Understanding Singapore’s Traditions

Amman temple2
Finally the issues related to Thaipoosam 2015 have come to an end. It had engaged a range of Singaporeans – both Hindus and non-Hindus since February this year. Judicial reviews, court case over the assault on police officers and crowd funding efforts for supporting the pursuit of achieving some legal recognition for the religious event have all dominated the concerns of Tamil Hindus as well as netizens. I was relieved that some musical accompaniment would be allowed at the annual festival from 2016. Singapore has become a mature society where much effort by the Minister for Home Affairs, Mr K Shanmugam has prevailed to bring about a rational understanding of the festival. At last devotees of Lord Murugan need not think of going to Batu Caves in Kuala Lumpur or Penang to fulfil their vows.

I have always maintained that all Tamil Hindu festivals are religious as well cultural and social events that draw upon others to participate in their different dimensions. I will leave such arguments to a paper that I am developing over the controversy.

There are many Tamil Hindus who may be not be aware of the underlying cultural traditions of their festivals in Singapore. However, when an editorial in the only Tamil newspaper in Singapore feigns ignorance, it comes as a cultural shock to me. Much research has been done by sociologists on the major festivals of Tamil Hindus in Singapore. Yet the editorial of Tamil Murasu on Sunday 6 December 2015, while praising the happy progress made with regard to religious music at Thaipoosam, makes the remark that Fire-Walking Ceremony (Walking on Flowers to its devotees) is carried out for the mother of Lord Murugan – Goddess Mariamman. Such a remark reminded me of the hilarious remarks made of the Taj Mahal in the film Slumdog Millionaire by teenage guides.

A visit to the Singapore Indian Heritage Centre and a reading of some of the research done by sociologists in Singapore would have alleviated such gross ignorance of the writer of the editorial. I am not aware when Goddess Mariamman became the mother of Lord Murugan but definitely the walking on Flowers Ceremony is carried out as a re-enactment of the great Mahabharata War. Lawrence Babb (1974) had published a paper on “Walking on Flowers in Singapore: A Hindu Festival Cycle” on the Theemithi Festival. The paper has been translated into Tamil and published in a journal of the National University of Singapore Tamil Language Society. The festival is for Draupathi of the Mahabaratham who is now referred by Tamil devotees as Draupathi Amman. It is a popular festival of Tamil villages that has become part of Tamil Hinduism in Singapore.

Written by
Professor A Veeramani ( A Mani )
Singapore / Japan

Reference:
Lawrence A. Babb, 1974. Walking on Flowers in Singapore: A Hindu Festival Cycle
Issue 27 of Working papers, Department of Sociology, University of Singapore, Working papers – Department of Sociology, University of Singapore.

The above paper has been published as a chapter in Riaz Hassan, 1976. Singapore: Society in Transition, East Asian social science monographs.

The origins of Tamil in Singapore’s Schools

Speech delivered at the book launch on Tamil Schools in Singapore: From its’ roots to the branches by P. Sivasamy

On Saturday 26 September 2015, I was a key-note speaker at a book launch event in Singapore. The book was written in Tamil about Tamil schools in Singapore especially in the post-war years. It was compiled by a long-term Tamil teacher friend P. Sivasamy, whom I had known since 1968, when I went to work as a relief teacher of Tamil to the old Neelambigai Tamil Primary School that had been integrated with the Peck Seah Primary School under the government’s plan to integrate different language streams under one-roof so that the ethnic divide in Singapore would lessen. I was there for about five months before leaving to study at the University of Malaya in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. Later in 1982, I had invited him to present a paper at one of the many conferences that I was organizing in Singapore to promote scholarship in Tamil. Sivasamy was asked by me to address the history of Tamil Schools in Singapore. The paper was subsequently published in the conference proceedings, but I encouraged him to undertake a larger project on the history of Tamil schools in Singapore, especially given the scenario that most that had played a key role in the beginning of the schools were getting older and would soon die out altogether.

While my speech at the book launch was in Tamil, I feel it is important to share the new paradigm that I had chosen to explain the origin of Tamil schools in post-war Singapore for a wider audience of critical thinkers. The Tamil version follows this English version for those who would want to follow my critical Tamil writings on Singapore.

The spirit and content

Dear friends, Guest of Honor Mr. Ravindran (lawyer and former Member of Parliament), other distinguished speakers (Pon Sundararasu – President, Umar Pulavar Alumni Association; Mr. A P Raman – former editor of Kalai Magal; Mr. T Venugopal – Deputy Director – Ministry of Education; Mr. S Samikannu – President, Singapore Tamil Teachers’ Union; Mr. M. Massothu – Vice President, Singapore Kadayanallur Tamil Muslim Association). Despite the many events in our community today, I am happy to meet with all of you at this early morning book launch event.

I wish to make a short speech. I will structure it within some parameters and share a few thoughts with you on the period when Tamil schools blossomed in Singapore. While appreciating the writer and the book, I also want to locate the book in our history while noting how the book helps to further enlighten our history. I also wish to advance some views on what we can do more to record our history in Singapore.

We are living in a period when much appreciation and events are organized to promote books on poetry, drama and short stories. Most of these are celebrations as a consequence of Singapore’s government policy to promote the arts as well as an attempt to establish their presence by those Tamil diaspora who have made Singapore their abode in recent decades. As a consequence, the struggles that we undertook with others in Singapore to create for us an identity is left uncelebrated. Everyday life that demands earning more money as well as the placement of personal entertainment too negates the need to develop a rational understanding of our history in Singapore. Consequently, our history and our achievements are being forgotten. The time when we placed our community’s position at the forefront and organized conferences and published them is relegated to the borders of public recognition. As in the recent attempt to digitalize only materials defined as Tamil literature and promote events celebrating fifty years of Singapore’s political independence (SG50), the historical struggles within the community for recognition if its identity markers are only marginally mentioned or relegated to a distant past. Social amnesia of the community’s history becomes celebrated at most events. It is like most Singaporeans who find it easy to take a plane anywhere in the world except visit the villages in Indonesia. As such most Singaporeans naively believe that governments can easily solve the problem of the annual haze that sweeps Singapore from the burning forests in Indonesian islands, often ruled by bureaucrats in Jakarta who like the Singaporeans have not visited such villages. Unlike our wish for the haze to go away, we are not keen to remove the multi-layered dust that has accumulated over our knowledge of our history in Singapore. We do not wish to examine our own history to be redeemed as greater beings.

We are unable to decipher how we responded in certain historical junctures to transform our future. This book has brought us face to face with the Tamil schools that rose and eventually disappeared in our history. The abundant resources and opportunities that exist for education in contemporary Singapore may urge us to question why Tamils chose Tamil schools instead of sending their children to English medium schools. The questions are: (1) Why Tamil schools? and (2) As English medium schools provide all the opportunities, did not the Tamil community of yester years made their children become backward?

There can be many more such questions. Some may even believe that Tamil as a school subject was always present in the English medium schools of Singapore, let alone argue that there were adequate English medium schools for all children. For those who know some history of our educational transformation may wonder whether the Tamil schools that were the reason for Tamil becoming taught at English medium schools, can the Tamil language as a subject continue to survive and thrive in Singapore’s education system with all the Tamil – Malay – Chinese medium schooling gone fully from the social landscape of Singapore. That will depend on government policy and the social awareness and commitment on the part of the community. All political and community leaders are sincere in their effort to keep Tamil as a second language in our schooling system. Despite the challenges in Tamil language usage, more people in Singapore are now literate in Singapore than ever before. At the time when Tamil schools were begun all over Singapore, most Tamils were not fully literate in Tamil. However, Tamil was a living spoken language on the streets. Tamil was used widely at homes and on the streets for social interaction. Despite the higher levels of literacy rate in Tamil now, usage of spoken Tamil is declining steadily with more homes speaking in English and Tamil than Tamil alone. The impact of wider promotion of English language has affected Tamil spoken usage. The impact is also felt along Malay and Mandarin speakers.

Various educational policies in Singapore in the past did not attempt to unify all people to develop a love for Singapore. Tamils who were largely brought over to Singapore in the past were largely assumed to be here for providing their labor power to make the colony an economic hub of the British Empire. Education was thought of us unnecessary to such a population and their children. In the pre-second world war period, education of children of the laboring classes was largely left to the various religious groups like Christian and Hindu missionaries. The cover of this book, for example, shows a 1952 or 1953 school photograph of the Ramakrishna Mission schools at Norris Road. It is a joint photograph of the Vivekananda Boys’ and Sarada Devi Girls’ schools. The picture shows the confidence and promise for the future of both the children and their teachers. All the children in the portrait would be grandparents today, and it would be interesting to explore the position of Tamil amongst their children and grandchildren.

Tamils in Singapore and Southeast Asia were politically awakened by the Second World War. The British colonial expansion over the Tamil homeland over three-hundred years had imposed pacification by removing all forms of weaponry such as the knife, swords, spears, bows and arrows, war horses, war elephants, guns and canons. They had been declared as non-martial races unfit for soldiering, despite their impressive past empires and maritime trade. What the Tamils had lost over the three hundred years of British domination was regained in the four years of Japanese Occupation of Southeast Asia. They joined the Indian National Army in great numbers for the liberation of their homeland. Even before this, there had been groups among Tamils who had detested the domination of the British that comes with the learning of English language. They preferred to send their children to Tamil schools. They firmly believed that Tamil was adequate for living in this world. The earlier migrants of my family, for instance, did not send any of their children to English medium schooling. They had established shops at Enggor Street in 1896 and later had expanded to having shops at Buffalo Road. They had migrated with their families, and never envisaged learning the colonial language. Their belief in their ability to make a living without English allowed them to prosper in Singapore. They were proficient in the lingua-franca of the colony – spoken Malay and a smattering of Hokkien (not Mandarin). I became the first person in my family to study English, that too after the independence of India and Malaya as well as English becoming the language of the United States. Britain by then was in decline. Thus, the dislike of the British had made many families avoid sending their children to English medium schools, leaving it to those who wanted to serve the British. From early twentieth century, many Tamils had firmly believed that Britain could only be defeated with the help of a rising Japan.

The Tamil families, in the aftermath of the Second World War preferred their children to develop Tamil literacy. Temple priests, hair-dressers, mandores (Labor foremen) and anyone who had knowledge of Tamil became Tamil language teachers. In that situation, anyone who had some command of Tamil language could become teachers. It was later that the Ministry of Education wanted teachers to have completed their seventh grade of education.

Before and after the Second World War, Tamils had been exposed to European socialism and the labor rights movements in Europe. The Russian Revolution and the European labor rights movement had made deep impact amongst Tamil labor leaders. Adequate literature had been translated into Tamil for anyone who wanted read. They knew of class-struggle and the need to remove the social inequalities in society. Tamil literacy education was seen as necessary for raising the level of consciousness of workers and their children. Numerous Tamil schools were begun all over Singapore. They were seen as the social commitment of all trade unions begun by Tamil workers in Singapore. The new schools were led by Tamil union leaders and received contributions from workers. They were not supported by the Colonial government.

The ideological divide that spread across the world after the world war began the third global war – Cold War. Though the Cold War was a contest between Communism versus Democracy, United States versus the Soviet Union (italics mine to show that they were unrelated to Tamil unionists struggle), it had direct effects on Tamil trade union leaders, who were termed as communist sympathisers. The socialist ideals propounded by Tamil trade union leaders was seen as similar to that of the Malayan Communist Party closely aligned to the history unfolding in China. All Tamil trade union leaders who had begun and operated Tamil schools came under the scrutiny of the British colonial government. Many were arrested, some were exiled to India, some went into hiding and amongst them many were killed, arrested and jailed. Some of the events of the period are presented in the book launched today.

The history of Tamil schools in Singapore thus has to be viewed in a broader historical canvass of global ideological war, cold war, political change and social transformation than in a narrower community context. The Tamil trade union leaders were reacting to greater global shifts than a simple commitment to loving Tamil and Tamil schools. The book provides some insights to these larger processes.

This book has an important place in the history of Tamils in Singapore. For those familiar to a history centered on ‘Sarangapany – Tamil Murasu – Tamils festival’, this book provides an extended version of history. The period 1946 to 1954 becomes partly demystified with the introduction of the roles played by Veerasenan, Ganapathy, Sinnapanaar, many mandores, hairdressers and many others in the blossoming of many Tamil schools all over Singapore. An in-depth history of the period using archival and other materials is waiting to be written. By their commitment they have become martyrs in the history of Tamil language education in Singapore.

The book is useful for learning about a period in our history. Tamil schools like Chinese and Malay schools came to an end only when Singapore assured all that it is striving to become a nation where Tamil and Tamils will enjoy the equality aspired by those who begun the Tamil schools. Even in that process, Tamils were quick to grab the opportunity of enrolling their children in English medium schools once a place for learning Tamil as a subject was assured by the government. Tamil medium schools were the first to end as compared to other medium schools. As Tamil children enrolled in English medium primary schools, the last secondary class at the Umar Pulavar Tamil School ended in December 1982. Tamils were agile in adapting to the rapid social transformation taking place in independent Singapore.

There is a need to fill all the empty spaces that the book does not cover. These empty spaces like that of a jig-saw puzzle, can be quickly filled if all of us try to document the history that we could. In the next five months, I expect another five books to emerge that will further extend our history as well as help fill some of the empty spaces. Today evening, due to the efforts of Mr. Masoothu, a book on the History of Tamil Muslims in Singapore will be launched. Similarly, Mr. Samikannu has already published a book on his family history entitled Thani Maram Thoppaanathu (A single Tree Became a Grove). We need such efforts from all of you so that a fuller history can unfold for our community.

The author of this book Mr. Sivasamy has been pursuing the writing of this book since the 1980s. His untiring commitment and hard work has led to the successful completion of the book. He began the detailing of the schools through his magazine Thamizh Amutham, and thereby attracted the contributions from those who had photos and related files. As in the title of the book, he has established the roots of Tamil in Singapore’s education by tracing them to the Tamil schools. The book bestows martyrdom on all those (including those who have been left out) who have sacrificed their lives to establish Tamil schools in Singapore. My deepest appreciation goes to Mr. Sivasamy for undertaking this journey. Like him, all of us can continue to fill the empty spaces in our history by our writings. The recently launched Indian Heritage Centre can be our inspiration. If more is needed, we can also observe the Nagoor Dharga South Indian Muslim Heritage Centre. By our efforts we can understand as well as restore our history.

I deeply thank Mr. Sivasamy for his efforts and also his wife Mrs. Chandra for her kind assistance to him. Mr. A P Raman too has helped technically in the book attaining its final form.

Let me end by asking all of you to recover and publish our history! Let us complete a fuller history!

Written by
Professor A Veeramani ( A Mani )
Singapore / Japan

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பி. சிவசாமி அவர்களின்

“சிங்கப்பூரில் தமிழ்ப்பள்ளிகள் – வேரிலிருந்து கிளைகள் வரை”
நூல் வெளியீட்டு நிகழ்ச்சியில் நடத்திய சிறப்புரை.
நாள் சனிக்கிழமை 26 செப்டம்பர் 2016;காலை 9.30 – 12.00;
இடம் – உமறுப்புலவர் தமிழ் மொழி நிலையம்.

பேராசிரியர் அ. வீரமணி, PhD.

நண்பர்களே! சிறப்பு விருந்தினர் – வழக்குரைஞர் – நாடாளுமன்ற முன்னாள் உறுப்பினர் திரு இரவீந்திரன் அவர்களே! மற்றும் சொற்பொழிவாற்ற வந்துள்ள நண்பர்களே! அதிக சமூக நிகழ்ச்சிகள் நடைபெறும் இந்த சனிக்கிழமையில், அதுவும் காலையில், இங்கு வந்துள்ள உங்கள் அனைவரையும் சந்திப்பதில் மகிழ்ச்சி அடைகிறேன்.

எனது உரை ஓர் சிற்றுரை. அதை சில வரையரைகளுக்கு உட்படுத்தி, சில சிந்தனைகளை உங்களோடு பகிர்ந்து கொள்ள விரும்புகிறேன்.  நூலையும் நூலாசிரியர் அவர்களையும் பாராட்டுவதோடு, நமது வரலாற்றில் நூலின் இடம், அது தமிழர்களின் வரலாற்றை விளக்கும் போக்கு, மேலும் நாம் என்ன செய்யலாம் என்பது போன்ற கருத்துக்களை உங்களோடு பகிர்ந்து கொள்கிறேன்.

கவிதை, நாடகம், சிறுகதை முதலான நூல்களுக்கு அதிக பாராட்டும் நிகழ்வுகளும் நடைபெறும் காலக்கட்டத்தில் நாம் தற்போது வழ்கிறோம். இந்த சூழலில், நாம் இந்த நாட்டில் மேற்கொண்ட போரட்டங்கள் நமது அறிவுக்கு எட்டவில்லை. இன்றைய வாழ்க்கையில் பொருளீட்டுவதையும் புறத்தே நுகரக்கூடிய இன்பத்தையும் முன்வைத்து வழ்வதால், வரலாற்று அறிவு தேவையில்லாமல் இருக்கலாம். அதனால் நமது வரலாறு, நமது பெறுமை முதலானவை நம்மைச்சுற்றிலும் மறக்கப்பட்டு வருவது நமது சிந்தனைக்கு எட்டவிலை. நமது சமுதாய நிலையை முன்வைத்து, ஆய்வுகள் நடத்தி, நூல்கள் வெளியிட்ட காலம் நமக்குத் தெரிவதில்லை. விமானங்கள் வழி வெளிநாடுகள் செல்லும் நம்மில் பலர், இந்துனேசிய கிராமங்களுக்கு சென்றதே இல்லை. அதனால், இந்துனேசியாவில் புறப்பட்டு, நம்மிடையே உறவு கொண்டாடும் இந்தத் தூசு மூட்டம் விலக விரும்பும் நாம், நமது வரலாற்று அறிவில் படிந்துள்ள தூசு விலக நாம் கூடிப்பேச முடியவில்லை.. சிங்கப்பூர் வரலாற்றின் சில காலக் கட்டங்களில் நாம் என்ன செய்தோம், எவ்வாறு எதிர்காலத்தை மாற்றி அமைக்கப் போராடினோம் என்பதை நாம் அறியமுடியவில்லை.

இன்றைய நூல் வெளியீடு, சிங்கப்பூரில் தோன்றி மறைந்த தமிழ்ப்பள்ளிகளை நம்முன் வைத்துள்ளது. மிகவும் வசதிகளும் வாய்ப்புகளும் நிலவும் இக்காலத்தில் வாழும் நாம், தமிழ்ப் பள்ளிகள் தொடர்பில் சில கேள்விகளைக் கேட்கலாம்.

1. சிங்கப்பூரில் தமிழ்ப்பள்ளிகள் ஏன் தோன்றின?
2. ஆங்கிலப்பள்ளிகளினால் எல்லா நன்மைகளும் கிடைத்திருக்கும்போது, அன்றையத் தமிழ்ப் பள்ளிகள், தமிழர்களை பின்தங்கிய சமூகமாக மாற்றினவா?

இவை போன்ற பல கேள்விகளை நாம் எழுப்பலாம். இன்று போல் எல்லா காலங்களிலும் ஆங்கிலப் பள்ளிகளில் தமிழ் ஒரு பாடமொழியாக இருந்தது என்று கூட சிலர் நம்பலாம். தமிழ்ப்பள்ளிகள் நம் நாட்டில் தமிழ்க்கல்வி தோன்றுவதற்கு வேர் என்றால், இன்றைய ஆங்கிலப்பள்ளிகளில் கற்பிக்கப்படும் தமிழ்மொழிப்பாடம் அவற்றின் கிளைகள்தாம். தமிழ்ப்பள்ளிகள் முற்றிலும் இல்லாத சூழலில், வேரற்ற கிளைகளான தமிழ்மொழிப்பாட வகுப்புக்கள் தொடர்ந்து வாழ முடியுமா என்ற ஐயம் கூட நமக்கு எழலாம். இன்றைய நிலையில், அரசு சார்ந்த கல்விக்கொள்கையும், நமது சமூகத்தின் வேட்கையும் விழிப்புணர்வும் உதவி புரிகின்றன. சவால்கள் பல இருந்தாலும், தமிழ்ப்படிப்பறிவு இன்று பலரையும் சென்றடைந்துள்ளது. தமிழ்ப்பள்ளிகள் தோன்றிய காலத்தில், பெரும்பாலானத் தமிழர்கள் தமிழில் கூட படிப்பறிவு இல்லாதவர்களாக இருந்தனர். ஆனால் வீட்டிலும் தெருவிலும் தமிழிலேயே பேசினர். இன்றோ, தமிழ்ப்படிப்பறிவு கூடியுள்ள இக்காலத்தில், தமிழ் பேச்சு மொழியாக பரவலாக பேசப்படவில்லை. கடந்த காலத்தில் பள்ளி மொழியாக, இல்லங்களின் மொழியாக, சமுதாய எழுச்சி மொழியாக நிலவிய தமிழ், இதர சிங்கப்பூர் மொழிகளைப் போலவே, ஆங்கிலமொழித் தாக்கத்தால் வெறும் பாட மொழியாக மாறிவிடுமோ என்ற ஐயம் நிலவுகிறது. தொடர்ந்து விழிப்புடன் செயல்படுவோம்.

கடந்த கால சிங்கப்பூரின் கல்விக் கொள்கை, இன்றுபோல் அனைவரையும் ஒரு நாட்டு மக்களாக ஒன்றிணைக்கவில்லை. உடல் உழைப்பு வேலைகளுக்கென கொண்டுவரப்பட்ட பெரும்பாலானத் தமிழர்களுக்கு கல்வி தேவையில்லை என்ற சிந்தனை நிலவிய காலம் அது. அத்தகைய காலக்கட்டத்தில் சமயம் சார்ந்த அமைப்புகளே தமிழ்ப்பள்ளிகளை நடத்தின. எடுத்துக்கட்டாக, இந்த நூலின் முகப்பு அட்டையில் உள்ள இராமகிருட்ண தமிழ்ப்பாடசாலைகளைக் குறிப்பிடலாம். 1952 அல்லது 1953-இல் எடுக்கப்பட்ட அப்படத்தில், மிகவும் எழுச்சி மிகுந்த எதிர்காலத்தை எதிர்நோக்கும் மாணாக்கரையும் ஆசிரியர்களையும் நாம் காணலாம். அந்த பிள்ளைகளில் அனைவரும் இன்று தாத்தா – பாட்டிகளாக இருப்பர். அவர்தம் பிள்ளைகளும் பேரன் – பேத்திகளும் தமிழுக்குத் தரும் முக்கியத்துவம் எவ்வாறு இருக்கும் என பிறிதொரு ஆராய்ச்சி செய்யலாம்.

இரண்டாவது உலகப்போரினால், தமிழர் ஆங்கிலேய காலனித்துவத் தளைகளைக் கலைந்து விழுச்சி பெற்றனர் – எழுச்சி பெற்றனர். அதற்கு முன்னதாக, சுமார் முன்னூறு ஆண்டுகள் தமிழகத்தில் வேறூன்றிய ஆங்கிலேயர் ஆட்சி, தமிழர்களின் வாள், வேல், கத்தி, ஈட்டி, துப்பாக்கி, பீரங்கி முதலானவற்றை முழுமையாக அகற்றி அவர்களை வீரமில்லாத மக்கள் கூட்டமாக மாற்றியிருந்தது. ஆனால், ஜப்பானியரின் நான்காண்டு கால ஆட்சியில் தமிழர்கள் அரசியல் விழிப்புணர்வும் துணிச்சலும் பெற்றனர். இதற்கு முன்னரேயே, ஆங்கில மொழி ஆதிக்கத்திற்கு உட்படக்கூடாது என்று வெறுத்த ஒரு கூட்டமும் சிங்கப்பூரில் வாழ்ந்த தமிழர்கள் மத்தியில் இருந்தது. உலகில் வாழ உழைப்பும் தமிழும் மட்டுமே போதும் என ஒரு பிரிவினர் நம்பினர். எடுத்துக்காட்டாக, எனது மூதாதையர் 1896-ஆம் ஆண்டு எங்கோர் சாலையில் (Enggor Street) கடை வைத்து, பின்னர் பவ்லோ சாலையிலும் (Buffalo Road) கடை வைத்தாலும், தமது பிள்ளைகளில் எவரையும் ஆங்கிலம் பயில அனுப்பவில்லை. வாழ்க்கைக்குத் தமிழும், பிழைப்புக்குத் தன்னம்பிக்கையும் உழைப்பும் போதும் என்று நம்பி வளமாக வாழ்ந்தனர். எனது குடும்ப வரலாற்றில், நான்தான் இரண்டாவது உலகப் போருக்குப் பின்னர் ஆங்கிலப்பள்ளிக்கு முதலில் அனுப்பப்பட்டேன்.  அதுவும், இந்திய விடுதலைக்குப் பின்னர், ஆங்கிலம் அமெரிக்க மொழியாக மாறிய பின்னரே நடந்தது. இங்கிலாந்தின் மீதிருந்த ஆழ்ந்த வெறுப்பு, பலரை ஆங்கில மொழிப்பக்கம் ஈர்க்கவில்லை. ஜப்பானியர் துணைகொண்டு, இந்தியாவை ஆதிக்கம் செய்த வெள்ளைக்காரனைத் துரத்தி அடிக்க வேண்டுமென்ற வேட்கையுடன் வாழ்ந்த இந்தியர்களில் தமிழர்களும் இருந்தனர்.

ஆங்கில ஆட்சியில், பெரும்பாலான மக்கள் ஆங்கிலம் கற்க நாட்டம் காட்டவில்லை. இரண்டாவது உலகப் போருக்கு முன்னரும், போருக்குப் பின்னரும் இங்கு குடும்பங்களாக வாழப்பட்டத் தமிழர்கள், தமது பிள்ளைகளுக்கு தமிழ்ப் படிப்பறிவு வேண்டுமென விரும்பினர். கோயில் பூசாரிகள், மருத்துவர்கள் (முடிதிருத்துவோர்), மண்டோர்கள் (தொழிலாளர் மேற்பார்வையாளர்) முதலான தமிழறிந்த எவரும் தமிழ் கற்றுத்தந்தனர். அந்தச் சூழலில், தமிழறிந்த அனைவரும் தமிழாசிரியராகப் பணியாற்றினர். பின்னர்தான், ஏழாண்டுகள் படித்திருந்தோருக்கு தமிழாசிரியர் பதவி வழங்கப்பட்டது. இவர்கள் அனைவரும் தமிழுடன் சமுதாய விழிப்புணர்வையும் கற்றுத்தந்தனர்.

தமிழில் படிப்பறிவு புகட்ட தமிழ்ப்பள்ளிகள் தொடங்கியவர்கள் மனத்தில் மிகவும் ஆழமான அரசியல்-பொருளாதாரத் தத்துவம் இடம்பெற்றிருந்தது. முதலாம் உலகப்போருக்கு முன்னதாகவே மார்க்சீச – இலெனின் தத்துவம் தமிழகத்தில் வேறூன்றி, மலாயா முழுவதும் தமிழ்ப்பாட்டளிகள் மத்தியில் படர்ந்து இருந்தது. மலாயாவில் தோட்டப்புறத் தமிழர்களின் போரட்டத்தலைவர்கள் சமத்துவக் கொள்கையின் (socialism) வர்க்கப் போராட்டம் (class struggle) பற்றி அறிந்திருந்தனர். வர்க்கப் போராட்டம் ஏழை – பணக்காரன், ஆள்பவன் – ஆளப்படுபவன் எனும் பிரிவினர் மத்தியில் சமத்துவம் நிகழ, புரட்சியின் முதல் படியாக ஏழைகளும் ஆதிக்கத்திற்கு ஆட்பட்டவர்களும் விழிப்புணர்வு பெறவேண்டும். விழிப்புணர்வு பெற உதவக்கூடிய ஒரே கருவி படிப்பறிவுதான். இதனால்தான் தமிழ்ப்பள்ளிகளைத் தொடங்கி, ஏழை உழைப்பாளிகளின் பிள்ளைகளுக்குத் தமிழின் வழி விழிப்புணர்வு ஏற்படுத்த முயன்றனர். பெரும்பான்மையானத் தமிழ்ப்பள்ளிகள் தொழிற்சங்கங்களின் ஓர் சமூகக் கடமையாகத் தொடங்கப்பட்டன.

இரண்டாவது உலகப்போருக்குப் பின்னர், அமெரிக்கா-இருஷ்ய நாடுகளுக்கிடையில் ஏற்பட்ட சித்தாந்தப் போராட்டம் (ideological struggle) , உலகம் முழுவதும் பனிப்போர் (cold war) எனப்படும் மூன்றாவது உலகப்போரைத் தொடக்கியது. Communism versus Democracy, America versus Russia என பனிப்போர் (cold war) உலக நாடுகள் அனைத்தையும் பாதித்தது. சிங்கப்பூரில், சமத்துவக்கொள்கையை முன்வைத்து வர்க்கப் போரில் ஈடுபட்டிருந்த தொழிற்சங்கத்தினரை கம்யூனிஷ்டுகள் என பிரிட்டீஷ் அரசு அறிவித்தது. ஐரோப்பிய சமத்துவக் கொள்கையைப் பின்பற்றிய தமிழ்த் தொழிற்சங்கத்தினர், சீனர்களின் மலாயா கம்யூனிஷ்டு கட்சியின் (Malayan Communist Party – MCP) உறுப்பினராகக் கருதப்பட்டனர். இதனால், தமிழ்ப்பள்ளிகளைத் தொடங்கிய தொழிற்சங்கவாதிகள் கைதாக்கப்பட்டனர், சிறைவைக்கப்பட்டனர், நாடுகடத்தப்பட்டனர், சிலர் கொள்ளவும் பட்டனர். இச்செய்திகளையும் நூலில் காணலாம்.

எனவே, தமிழ்பள்ளிகள் வரலாற்றில், உலக சித்தாந்தப் போர், பனிப்போர், அரசியல் மாற்றம், சமுதாய உருமாற்றம் முதலானவற்றை பின்புலமாகக் கொண்டு நூலைப் பயிலவேண்டும். இல்லையெனில், தமிழ்த்தொழிலாளிகள், தமது ஓய்வு நேரத்தைக் கழிக்க தமிழ்ப்பள்ளிகளைத் தொடங்கினர் என்ற தவறான விளக்கங்கள், நமது வரலாற்றை மிகச் சதாரண கேலிப் பொருளாக மாற்றிவிடும்.

சிங்கப்பூரின் தமிழர் வரலாற்றில் இந்த நூலுக்கு முக்கிய இடம் உள்ளது. ‘அமரர் கோ சாரங்கபாணி – தமிழ் முரசு – தமிழர் திருநாள்’ முதலான அடையாளங்களை உள்ளடக்கிய வரலாற்றை மட்டுமே அறிந்தவர்களுக்கு, இந்நூல் தமிழர் வரலாற்றை மேலும் விரிவாகக் காண உதவும். நூலில் உள்ள செய்திகளால், ஜப்பானியர் தோல்விக்குப் பின்னர், 1954-ஆம் ஆண்டு வரையுள்ள நமது சமூக வரலாறு மேலும் விரிவாக்கம் காண்கிறது. அமரர்கள் வீரசேனன், கணபதி, ச சா சினப்பனார், மற்றும் மண்டோர்கள், மருத்துவர்கள் (முடி திருத்துவோர்), பல கோயில் பூசாரிகள் முதலானோர் தமிழ்க்கல்விக்கு, சமுதாய உருமாற்றத்திற்கு ஆற்றிய தியாகத்தின் வழி, நம்மிடையே தமிழர் சமுதாயத் தலைவர்களாக அமரத்துவம் பெற்றுள்ளனர். இவர்களைப் பற்றிய ஆராய்ச்சிகள் பெருகினால்தான், சிங்கப்பூர் தமிழர் வரலாறு மேலும் முழுமையடையும். இந்த நூலின் வழி, நமது வரலாற்றின் ஒரு காலக்கட்டத்தைப் பற்றிய மேலும் பல கேள்விகள் எழுந்துள்ளன.

சிங்கப்பூர் ஒரு நாடாக மாறவேண்டிய சூழலில்தான், தமிழ்ப்பள்ளிகள் ஆங்கில – சீன – மலாய்ப் பள்ளிகளுக்கு நிகரான பள்ளிகளாக ஏற்றுக்கொள்ளப்பட்டன. சிங்கப்பூர் ஓங்கி வளர்ந்த காலத்தில், சீன – மலாய்ப் பள்ளிகள் போல தமிழ்ப்பள்ளிகள் மறைந்தன. தாய்மொழிப் பள்ளிகளை விடுத்து ஆங்கிலப் பள்ளிகளுக்கு தமது பிள்ளைகளை அனுப்பியதில், தமிழர்கள் மிகவும் விழிப்பான மக்களாகத் திகழ்ந்தனர். ஆங்கிலப் பள்ளிகளில் தமிழ்மொழியை ஒரு பாடமாக பயிலமுடியும் என்ற அரசாங்கக் கொள்கையை முன்னிறுத்தி, தமிழ்ப்பள்ளிகளை விடுத்து, தமது பிள்ளைகளை ஆங்கிலப் பள்ளிகளில் சேர்த்தனர். இதனால் தமிழ்ப்பள்ளிகள், சீன – மலாய்ப் பள்ளிகள் மூடுவதற்கு முன்னரேயே, ஆங்கிலப் பள்ளிகளைத் தமக்குச் சாதகமாக தமிழர்கள் பயன்படுத்திக்கொண்டனர். சிங்கப்பூர் கல்வி வரலாற்றில் தமிழர்கள் மிகவும் கெட்டிக்காரர்களாக நடந்துகொண்டனர்.

இந்த நூலை ஆழமாகப் பயின்று, நூலில் காணப்படும் வரலாற்று வெற்றிடங்களை நிறைவு செய்ய நாம் ஒவ்வொருவரும் முயற்சி செய்யவேண்டும்.

அடுத்த சில மாதங்களில் சுமார் ஐந்து வரலாற்று நூல்கள் வெளிவரவுள்ளன. இன்று மாலை, தமிழாசிரிய நண்பர் திரு மசூது அவர்களின் அரிய முயற்சியில், சிங்கப்பூர்த் தமிழ் முஸ்லீம்களின் வரலாற்று நூல் நமக்கு கிடைக்கவுள்ளது. இதற்கு முன்னதாக, தமிழாசிரிய நண்பர் திரு சாமிக்கண்ணு அவர்கள், ‘தனி மரம் தோப்பானது’ எனும் தமது குடும்ப வரலாற்று நூலை வெளியிட்டுள்ளார்.

நமது நூலாசிரியர் திரு சிவசாமி அவர்கள் 1980-களில் இருந்து இந்த நூலை எழுதுவதில் ஈடுபட்டு வந்துள்ளார். அவரது அயராத வேட்கை, அவரது பற்றாட்டு — இன்று நூலாக வெளிவந்துள்ளது. தமிழ் அமுதம் மாணவர் இதழைத் தொடங்கிய பின்னர், நமது நாட்டின் தமிழ்மொழிக்கல்வியின் வேறினைக் காணும் முயற்சியாக, நூலை ஒரு முடிவுக்குக் கொண்டுவந்துள்ளார். தமிழ்ப்பள்ளிகளுக்காகத் தங்களை அற்பணித்துக்கொண்ட அனைவரும் இதனால் அமரத்துவ நிலை பெறுகின்றனர். அவருக்கு நமது ஆழ்ந்த பாராட்டுகள். அவர் போல நாம் ஒவ்வொருவரும் முயன்றால், நமது வரலாற்றின் வெற்றிடங்களை நிரப்பலாம். அண்மையில் தொடங்கப்பட்ட இந்திய மரபுடைமை நிலையம் (Indian Heritage Centre) இம்முயற்சிகளுக்கு மேலும் ஊக்கம் தரும். மேலும் ஊக்கம் வேண்டுமாயின், நாகூர் தர்கா மரபுடைமை நிலையத்தையும் பார்க்கலாம். உங்களுடைய ஈடுபாட்டால், நமது முழுமையான வரலாறு உருவாக வழிபிறக்கும்.

இந்த நூலை சிறப்பாக வெளியிடப் பாடுபட்ட நண்பர் திரு சிவசாமி அவர்களுக்கும், அவரின் துணைவியார் திருமதி சந்திரா அவர்களுக்கும் எனது பாராட்டுகள். உதவிய பெரியவர் ஏ. பி. இராமன் அவர்களையும் பாராட்டுகிறேன்.

நமது வரலாற்றை பதிவாக்கம் செய்வோம்! முழுமைப் படுத்துவோம்! என்று கூறி எனது சிற்றுரையை முடிக்கிறேன். நன்றி. வணக்கம்.

பேராசிரியர் அ. வீரமணி, PhD.

Concern of Future Identity by a Silent Majority

In my recent stay in Singapore over six months, I met with five Singaporeans who were deeply concerned about the future of Tamil language and identity in contemporary Singapore. As I was to leave for japan the next day, I could not spend more than a few hours to listen to their concerns and discuss with them. As I did not obtain their approval for including their names in this blog, I will let their concerns for themselves. One of them had met me earlier when I was active with the Tamils Representative Council (TRC) in the 1980s.As I had no recollection of him as a youth, I acknowledged his kind memory of myself in another social setting in another time.

The two-hour long discussion had four major themes, namely (1) lack of Tamil on sign-boards at important venues; (2) the spelling mistakes observed in Tamil signage when Tamil is used; (3) the increased presence of non-Tamils among the new Indian migrants to Singapore; and (4) the retention of Tamil identity among the present youths and the future generation.

All the above concerns have existed for some time in Singapore and have been partly addressed by community organisations, public intellectuals, and media. As all of them have to do with public policies related to the government, the spokespersons have been tactful to raise it over the internet, members of Parliament representing Indians in the Group Representation Constituencies (GRC), relevant Ministries and the silent approaches taken by organisations like the TRC.

The discussion led to raising the issue of what they can do as individuals with regard to some of the issues. One of them raised an older issue of leaving out Tamil in favor of non-official languages at places like the airport. My argument that certain terminals at the airport predominantly used by people from certain countries, it is right that those languages be used to make them welcome to Singapore. I told them that I read most notices at the airport in Japanese than in any other language. It does not mean I do not read those in Tamil, Malay, English and mandarin (as the Japanese kanji has allowed me read such notices). They agreed that our issue should not be the use of other languages but ensuring that Tamil too has its place in such situations. I also pointed to them that such issues have been raised by many and the solution appears to have been implemented.

The second issue of Tamil being translated using goggle aided tools from English drew much discussion. I argued that instead of making the wrongly spelt Tamil words into an issue, it may be more appropriately done by any individual who sees such signage. With our iPhones, we can take photos of them and produce a corrected version and send both to the agency that put up such signage. We need not belabor our point by sending it to media or accusing such agencies of wrong doing against Tamil. One of the discussants said that he had done that and got a signage changed. The discussants felt that some agency within government should exist to check all signage and approve them prior to them being displayed. I agreed that this can be done easily by the various organisations that have been set up to promote Tamil – for example by the Tamil Language Council formed in 2000 under the auspices of the Ministry of Information, Communications and the Arts (MICA). But more than organizational efforts, more and more individuals must be willing to suggest the reform to such erroneous ways of having wrong Tamil words in public signage. We decided to continue the discussion at a later date.

The increasing percentage of non-Tamils among the new migrant Indians was the third issue. It was not any dislike of them but them arguing for representation of their languages at national and community events that had irked the discussants. The Deepavali light-up incidents at Little India, and radio and television representations were discussed at length.

Issue of preserving a Tamil Singaporean identity was a deep concern. I agreed that the earlier understanding that learning Tamil at school would be useful for identity maintenance has been recently questioned by many. Now more are literate in Tamil for passing it as a required subject in the school-system. This is an important area for many in the community to examine and come up with solutions. Deep concerns in the past did lead to creation of government funded Tamil language council and the annual Tamil language festival. There is also the Tamil Language and Learning Promotion Committee set up in February 2006, with the aim to elicit support of Tamil community organizations in organizing activities to promote the use of Tamil Language and support the teaching and learning of the language in schools.

All issues are moving targets as Singapore is a global city. We agreed to discuss more in the near future and hopefully come up with concrete plans that can be implemented by individuals as well as organisations.

Written by
Professor A Veeramani ( A Mani )
Singapore / Japan

Haze Covered Pride of Jakarta’s Leaders

President Joko Widodo of Indonesia appears at last to have won the battle against his bureaucracy that had prevented any and all external sources to know of the root cause of the forest fires in Sumatra and Kalimantan. Thanks to the efforts of the Singapore government to bring to book all those companies and business products related to the annual forest fires, the Jakarta bureaucrats have at last shown some love for the millions of trees and the people who have suffered as a consequence of the greed of profit makers in Jakarta. I am sure much fauna and flora too have been decimated, and they may have been wiped from the face of the earth forever.

In the fledgling democracy that Indonesia is, Jakarta’s rulers working in tandem with business corporations have no love for Sumatra and Kalimantan. As the regions are far away, none of the destruction would have come to the attention of the world if not for the haze from the forest fires blanketing Singapore and Kuala Lumpur. Nobody in Jakarta worries about the people, flora and fauna of the regions outside Jakarta. Only a volcanic eruption in Java that blankets Jakarta for months will teach them the value of loving the environment above profit making.

It is ludicrous that the Indonesian Cabinet Secretary Pramano Anung can even argue that they were concerned of Singapore getting the name if allowed to assist. It is akin to the statement by another Jakarta leader that people should be grateful to the good air that they enjoy from Indonesia for eleven months. One has to wonder where these thinkers come from. Do they not love the people, flora and fauna as part of Indonesia? Is it so important to calibrate credit for them while their people, flora, and fauna and neighboring countries suffer? It is a contorted nationalism coming from frontline leaders. There is no love for their country.

Just as profits attracted these Jakarta leaders to burn the forests in the outer islands of Indonesia, it is the fear of losing profits that has made them invite Singapore, Malaysia, Russia, Austria and others. If not for concerted action by the Singapore government to punish the firms profiting from the burning of forests of Sumatra and Kalimantan, Jakarta’s bureaucrats would not have been forced to declare that they have a national disaster. The disaster was made by Jakarta’s bureaucrats in collusion with profit motivated corporations. Such punitive actions should be imposed by all countries together with sanctions from the United Nations and United states on Jakarta’s bureaucrats and the greedy companies. Only then the people of Sumatra, Kalimantan and many other islands in Indonesia can protect their flora, fauna and themselves.

Written by
Professor A Veeramani ( A Mani )
Singapore / Japan

Living as a world renouncer – a possible life in Singapore ?

In my years of self-exile in the beautiful city of Beppu (Japan), I have continued to visit Singapore many times a year to keep up with the socio-economic developments there. One of the few places that I have used as my reference in Singapore is the area of Thekka (now referred in touristic parlance as Little India). For many generations my forefathers had lived and worked there. One place that had escaped the hammers of urban redevelopment is the now small Sunnambu Kambam Kaliamman Koil (Lime Kiln Kaliamman Temple now sanskritized as the Sri Veerama Kaliamman Koil). It was originally begun like a village temple in 1835. For most of the years until the 1970s, the temple had continued under a pandaram (non-Bramin priest) and the ardent working class devotees associated with the Public Works Department. The urban renewal around the shrine had also pushed the temple’s trustees to renovate the temple. The temple has survived the urban development onslaught to become the most beautiful architectural building reminding those who cherish its survival against colossal odds of development. The temple is now dwarfed by a hotel that has taken all the breathing space that the temple had. Tourists from many nations visit the temple to savor a glimpse of South India’s ancient religion. The temple has become a showpiece of Tamil Hindu religion showing to devotees and selfie taking tourists the deified historical heroes and the multifunctional deities fulfilling the boons requested by its devotees. Recently a shrine to Saraswathy (Goddess of Learning) has been added to appease the demands of mothers who come to pray for their children to jump high above all (not just attaining a pass) the examination hurdles that have come about in Singapore to stream and stratify all desires of Singaporeans. The Kali in the sanctum centrum still reigns as the superior deity. For me, a visit to the temple at least once a week during my Singapore stay has become common to reminisce the association that four generations of my family members have had with the temple.

It was in March 2015, that a frail bearded man approached me at the gates of the temple to enquire whether ‘I am the Dr. Veeramani’. As I have avoided the public gaze during my Singapore journeys, I reluctantly agreed that I was the one. He told me that he had seen me as early as 1974 at the Punitha Maram Sri Balasubra Maniar Temple (Holy Tree Balasubramaniam) at Naval Base (now part of Sembawang). I thanked him for his kind recognition of me and dismissed the meeting as a singular event of no consequence. In my subsequent visits, I still found him at various times – even in late evenings. I was troubled that a man who remembered me after 43 years stood everyday outside this temple. My short verbal greetings became longer discussions that led him to asking me philosophical explanations of Tamil Hinduism. I realized gradually that both of us looked forward to our encounters to exchange views on many social concerns. Then his-story began to unfold and I began to understand another dimension of a life possible in Singapore. The man had chosen to follow the ancient path of renunciation to seek the divine within. I could not believe for weeks that a life of renunciation is possible in Singapore.

He usually sits outside the temple gates except when he is called by the temple priests to help clean within the temple. He sits on one of the empty chairs kept outside for temple visitors to wear their shoes in comfort after their sojourn to the temple. If there is too much sun light, he sits behind a pillar of the Rajagopuram entrance. He ensures that unsuspecting Caucasian tourists remove their shoes and leave it outside the temple’s main doors. As the temple has a constant flow of devotees and tourists, the hundreds of pairs of footwear are strewn all over the ground. He arranges all the shoes creating more space for others as well as to enable the wearers to relocate their shoes. He also washes and sweeps the area where devotees wash their feet before entering the temple. He maintains a corner for all the prams brought by families. Nobody takes notice of his work. Some thank him with the usual courtesy extended to menial workers. Initially, I too thought that he was a fallen individual from the economic stress faced by individuals in Singapore.

One day, the sociological instinct within me took the bold step to talk to him more than the usual exchange of etiquettes. Short of the model of an ascetic, here was a man who had renounced his worldly wants to stay at a temple’s gate to seek the divine. I had read of such matters as related to the past great saints in Hinduism.

His name is/was Balan. He grew up in the Naval Base area. He has sisters and a brother. His father was Saravanan who spoke Malayalam. His father had been a sanyasi (world renouncer), who later gave up his life of celibacy. He married a Tamil girl. His father remained a Hindu while his mother and sisters followed Christianity. He had followed his mother to the church. At the age of 33 years in 1973, he could not find the answers to the many questions that arose within him. He followed a friend to the Punitha Maram Balasubra Maniar temple, which I had visited in 1974 for my Master’s thesis fieldwork and got involved briefly in settling the leadership struggle within the temple.

Balan’s 1973 visit to the temple was the beginning of his spiritual awakening. As he came with his Tamil Hindu friend, he saw a young fair-skinned boy dressed in his dhoti sitting in the sanctum centrum. He had all the jewels on him, and smiled at Balan. As Balan was new to South Indian temple iconography, he thought that a young boy sitting in the small room was being civil to him. He followed his friend circumambulating from the left and around the temple. The temple’s iconography was totally alien to him, but the worst shock for him was to see a dark statue of Lord Bala Murugan within the sanctum centrum. He thought the young boy must have gone somewhere but wondered how the black colored statue could have been easily placed there. He returned the next day to the temple alone and asked the priest about the boy and the statue. He was more concerned as to how a statue could have been placed in a short time. The priest laughed and left him alone. He was faced with utter confusion and shock when some told him that Bala Murugan had appeared to him. He became unkempt, grew a beard and went to the temple many times. Everyone who knew him avoided him believing that he had become mentally deranged.

His family was resettled in an HDB flat as the area was being redeveloped. He began to work, but did not like work as his mind was elsewhere. He kept shifting jobs. His siblings married and moved out. He remained single with his mother and took care of her until she died. He sold the three roomed flat and moved to a one-roomed rental flat. He was even a whole-sale trader exporting goods through kuruvi (bird – term used on men who used to travel every other day between Chennai and Singapore taking goods for delivery to shops in Chennai in the 1980s). Finally, about two years ago he decided to withdraw from the material world and dedicate his life to divine service. He had decided to serve at the Punitha Maram Bala Subramanian Temple (now moved to Yishun Town). The temple’s leaders having known him agreed to his request. Then Kali appeared in his dream and asked him to come to her temple. So, at the age of 75, he spends his remaining years on earth, taking care of the shoes of devotees. He has also given up his rental flat; given all his money to his brother; told the CPF not to give him any of his monies so that he can lead a simple life free from material wants. As his brother and wife live alone, they have given him a room to stay. His brother gives him $100 a month for buying anything he wants. On usual days, he travels to temple very early to be at its gates before 6 a.m. and returns home after the temple closes at 9 p.m. In my last meeting with him on 30 November he had not returned to his brother’s house for almost three weeks as the temple has had many events requiring his help. I guess he sleeps on a mat on the temple grounds after his heart-felt service to the Goddess.

Every day he sits outside the temple doing his service to the Goddess. The hot sun, the pollutants carried by the haze, the discourtesy that is shown by some visitors, the traffic noise and the stream of people who have turned the world around the temple into a little India – nothing, nothing disturbs him. When I tell him that as in the great Tamil Saivite tradition, he will definitely reach Her Feet (Goddess), he smiles and tells me that my work is already laid outside the temple in the wider world. I am sure his renunciation will take him to the spiritual bliss that his soul so seeks.

Written by
Professor A Veeramani ( A Mani )
Singapore / Japan

The Missing Singaporean Tamils

The weekend of 19-20 September 2015 was an eye-opener to what has happened to the Singaporean Tamil community in the year of SG50 or the fiftieth anniversary of Singapore’s political independence. The demography at the two literary events organized by the Tamil Language and Cultural Society (TLCS) on Saturday 19th September and the Association of Singapore Tamil Writers (ASTW) on 20th September was skewed towards diasporic migrants from Tamil Nadu. A few senior citizens were there too, probably to reflect the changes in Singapore society as well to get some respite from the boredom at home and the haze that had blanketed Singapore’s skies. I wondered where the bona-fide Singaporean Tamils, educated in Singapore’s schools and subjected to all the development processes went. I was told they are busy with their social and economic pursuits.

The event by TLCS was graced by an invited speaker from Tamil Nadu. He appeared to be well known to the audience of the diasporic Tamils. “Thamizh Kadal” (Tamil Sea) Nellai Kannan was the speaker. He was erudite in Tamil literature. His comparisons and criticisms all of Tamil Nadu’s politicians and society, however, would not have been understood by a Singaporean Tamil audience. Intermittently, he did refer to Singapore, with his limited knowledge, as the best nation.

A local poet-cum-writer, Pichini kaadu Ilango who had also migrated here in the 1990s, received the year’s Poet Bharathiyar Award for his literary contributions. In the diasporic tradition he had named himself after the locale from which he hails in Tamil Nadu – the kaadu (forest) of the place Pichini. Kaadu in Tamil refers to a place that has been converted from its forest environment to that of rice cultivation. It was hilarious when he referred as to how the kaadu had attracted him to the President of TLCS, Hari Krishnan whose locale is Kaasang Kaadu, another place named as kaadu (forest). It was the ‘kaadu’ that was to relate him to the President of the TLCS. It appeared as if the award had come to symbolize those who share a psychological relation across the Bay of Bengal with Tamil Nadu.

The audience was spell bound, and as the auditorium at Umar Pulavar Tamil Centre was full, many late comers sat on the carpeted floor. The speaker could have confined to his literary oratory as he had no good information on contemporary Tamil Nadu to share with any enquiring mind. He had not read the wonderful socio-economic analysis of Amartya Sen and others to share the progress that had been achieved by Tamil Nadu. If his speech was published, one would have to edit it carefully for any good use. But the audience enjoyed while a few of us rooted in Singapore felt it boring. Such events are unattractive except to make the diasporic Tamil residents reminisce about their homeland. It could never attract the bona-fide Singaporean audience of Tamils.

The event by ASTW was again dominated by people who had made Singapore their home in the last two decades and some senior Singaporean Tamils. It was evident that they celebrated the years of their lives in Singapore and provided the historical backdrop to what they had come to know of Tamils in Singapore. I received two Tamil books that had not been reviewed carefully before publication. The books were funded by the SG50 celebrations funding from the government. As the funds had come from tax-payers money the books were given away as complimentary take-away. It was claimed by a commentator on stage that the books had everything about Singapore and Tamils / Tamil language. I found them to have some useful information but no sincere reflection nor analysis.

Both the events made me wonder whether there is a conceptual as well a physical divide between Singaporean Tamils and the diasporic Tamils who have come to dominate the Tamil social / literary scene in the last 15 years. Are Singaporean Tamils boycotting all events taken over by diasporic Tamils? I could only reflect on a line from the great Tamil epic by Ilango Adigal (இளங்கோவடிகள் – சிலப்பதிகாரம்) and wonder whether the Singaporean Tamils had become the personification of the lines of his great epic: “the people of the land, in exasperation (my emphasis), had put up their hands on their head” (கறை கெழு குடிகள் கை தலை வைப்ப…). Poet Bharathiyar too has many lines that may well explain the current trends in Singapore.

Written by
Professor A Veeramani ( A Mani )
Singapore / Japan

Legacy of Four Community Leaders

Introduction

I attended the Annual General Meeting (AGM) of the Tamils Representative Council (TRC) on Sunday 30 August 2015. Having been passionate about the role it could play in the lives of Tamils in Singapore, I had dedicated my life to its revival from 1981 to 1987. Realising the internal weaknesses that had afflicted it, I had dedicatedly developed an island wide tuition program and a national youth movement. I had planned to redeem its future demise and consequently the community’s ability to negotiate with the wider Singapore society.  The futility of leaders unable to see beyond their own shadows made me leave it with much disgust of the ways in which some of its leaders wanted to destroy me and the hundreds of hardworking youths.

After leaving it, I was again called to help revive it by my former school Tamil Teacher Mr. Kesavan in 1995. The reluctance I showed in playing the earlier active role was proven right when my trust was betrayed again. The episode, of course, produced a valuable friend Dr R Theyvendran (fondly referred by friends as Denan), who later brought the needed peace to the internally divided TRC.

During my sojourn in Japan since March 2000, I had watched its development by following it over the internet as well as discussing with Denan himself. Over the last sixteen years, I have talked with its various leaders and critics and attended some of its events and its annual general meetings.

The AGM on Sunday 26 August 2015 was different to the history of all the past presidents of TRC. Dr Theyvendran appeared to be the first leader of TRC who spoke of stepping down within a year or two to hand over the TRC to a new leader who could take it forward. Though he was critical of all those who had not supported him, he declared a time line of one to two years to step down and willingly handover TRC to a new leader. He was assertive that he will stay around for some years to guarantee the new leadership against all the troublesome individuals who had ruined many of the organisations in the Tamil community.

This was in total contrast to the past three presidents of TRC who had held on to their office until their death; or being removed due to dementia; or being forcefully evicted by court injunction and intervention by non-member advisors.

Since its beginnings, TRC has had four presidents. The last three presidents were highly reluctant to hand over leadership in a logical manner. By logic, here I mean, their ability to understand the changing political and social landscape within the community and Singapore; and their abilities to identify, nurture and handover the organisational structure to newer leadership with adequate plans for the immediate future. Each of them not only destroyed themselves in the process, but also made TRC loose its credibility in being the focal organisation for Tamils to look up to it for addressing their societal concerns. This is turn had made TRC to be reactive rather than proactive in planning policies and projects for the Tamils in Singapore. Seldom has TRC anticipated the future role it could play. The future was often not even a five-year plan to achieve specific goals let alone a longer term perspective. In my case I had to embed myself within TRC to get the government pay attention to Tamil language and Tamils in the 1980s. Since then, the government has reacted in many ways to manage and direct the Tamil community as compared to any organisational effort within the Tamil social organisations (1).

Would Denan, as TRC’s fourth President, succeed in his wish to hand over power peacefully to another leader and institute a system by which leadership change would become peaceful? He was the most reluctant person in wanting to be a TRC President. As he wishes to step down peacefully, there may be forces beyond his control that may not allow a smooth leadership transition. Such forces, as in the past, may want TRC to remain a simple organisation instead of becoming an organisation led by visionary leaders who can transform the management and make the community become a model minority.
KO Sarangapany – the founding President

The TRC has undergone four incarnations over its period of its existence since 1951. In that year, the Singapore Tamilian Association (Singapoor Thamizhar Sangam), then located at Rangoon Road, had organised one of the largest Tamil culture related festival in colonial Singapore. The event known as Pongal Vizha (Tamil Harvest Festival) was organised at the then largest stadium – Jalan Besar stadium. Attended by the largest crowd of Tamils, it was fully covered in Tamil Murasu, one of the local Tamil daily newspapers, under the editorship of KO Sarangapany.  As with the practice at that time of only referring to people by initials of their names, he was referred lovingly as KO SA. He was then the Secretary General of the Tamils Reform Association (TRA) with the founder A C Suppiah as the President.

KO SA was a visionary entrepreneur who wanted to expand his daily paper to dwarf his competitor Tamil Nesan. It was also the period in which he had left the Indian Association in Singapore after an acrimonious annual general meeting where he was not elected as its Executive Committee Member. With his base in the Tamils Reform Association and his popularity among leaders of other Tamil social organisations he foresaw the usefulness of establishing an umbrella organisation that could help the community, help expand his newspaper and above all enhance his status in a changing Singapore where self-government for Malaya was being discussed. With the elections for public office in sight, he realised that the diversity within the Tamil community (which had to be managed for constructive action and harmony to achieve results) has to be turned around to create a unified presentation for bargaining in the changing political scene. As the British administration required all social organisations to be registered in order to avoid communist penetration, all the pre-existing non-registered but formal village and caste organisations became registered organisations. This enabled KO SA to create a strong and unified community image by bringing them under the TRC umbrella. The leaders of the various organisations were PUB and PWD workers as well as some Tamil school teachers. Few spoke English or were white-collar workers in the colonial bureaucracy. They were not asked to dissolve their identities as with the former Dravidian movement ideas which KO SA had espoused, but to keep their identities and be part of the new Malayan Tamil identity. In the immediate years after the War, most Tamil activists were Tamils in the trade unions in Singapore. Between 1946 and 1950, they built Tamil schools in all areas where Tamils lived in groups (2). Establishing a Tamil school was part of their social responsibility to their members and the Tamil community. In the early 1950s, there were about 32 Tamil schools. Most of these community leaders were classified as communists and were chased into smaller towns and jungles in Malaya, killed, jailed or exiled by the British. In the absence of the early trade union based Tamil community leaders, the social organisations became the new frontier in which Tamils found leaders for the community. Many of these organisations were village or caste based organisations that had already bought residential buildings for their members. KO SA was able to bring them as affiliated members with the formation of the Tamils Representative Council (Thamizhar Pirathinthithuva Sabai). For the first time in the history of colonial Malaya, the TRC brought all forms of Tamil organisations as affiliated organisations and presented an organised community of Tamils to the colonial rulers and others. It was registered as a formal organisation on 1 August 1951. The affiliated organisations represented villages, castes, Christians, Muslims and Hindus as well as Dravidian movement (at that time anti-Hindu and atheistic) stalwarts. The membership of the TRC was affiliation based, meaning only leaders and nominated members could attend its meetings. They met to discuss government policies and to represent Tamil concerns to the government. The number of affiliated representatives that could be sent by each affiliate was left to the claim of membership by each organisation. For example, for every one hundred members that an organisation had, it could nominate one member to the TRC. The membership fee was a dollar per year per member. Most organisations, except for the Tamils Reform Association, usually nominated one or two members to the TRC. The TRC itself had only a President and General Secretary and met to discuss issues of community wide interest that needed representation to the government. The TRC met at the premises of the TRA at 125 Serangoon Road, further enhancing the status of KO SA. The TRA was designated as the administrative body for carrying out all the functions of TRC. TRC itself organised none of the events. KO SA’s image was reborn as the great community leader whose identity was enmeshed into the leadership roles at TRA, Tamil Murasu and through TRC as leader of all Tamils. He declared one common festival known as the Thamizhar Thirunaal (Tamils Festival) to publicly show-case Tamil unity. The TRA organised competitions on behalf of TRC. At the same time, however, any organisation or special groups could organise the festival at the local level. KA SA graced such events as well as reported the activities in his newspaper. He also brought a literary scholar from Tamil Nadu who spoke at the central event on the first day of Thai month, and then toured all over Malaya delivering inspiring oratory at events organised by local groups. Thus, all over Malaya and in various parts of Singapore, the organization of Thamizhar Thirunaal became a community event that aspiring leaders could organise. Tamil Murasu reported all such events and KO SA became the community leader at all such functions. As the TRC had no administrative structure or even a bank account, all administration was left to be handled by the Tamils Reform Association where KO SA became the President upon the passing away of A C Suppiah in 1954. His status was so high that he sat on a chair at all such meetings while most members sat on mats on the floor. This made KO SA an unassailable leader of the Tamil community. All over Malaya and Singapore he was honoured. He wrote on the issues facing the community in Malaya and Singapore. His paper almost eclipsed the long standing Tamil Nesan daily newspaper, and no newer Tamil daily could challenge him for some time. With the Tamil Murasu, and the TRA with their own premises (TRA building was donated by Ramasamy Nadar and renovated by A C Suppiah) and the Tamils Representative Council made him the leader of the community. TRC was dependant on the affiliates support as well as the goodwill of TRA and the leadership of KO SA.

The above status-quo saw two challenges. As the Thamizhar Thirunaal day was declared on the first of Thai month in the Tamil calendar, it conflicted with the Pongal Vizha that had been launched by the Singapore Tamilian Association (STA) in 1951. They were so aghast with KO SA, that the leadership of the organisation boycotted both the Tamil Murasu and the newly formed Tamils Representative Council. They accused him of stealing their idea of a community wide Pongal Vizha (Tamils Harvest Festival) and making it the Thamizhar Thirunaal (Tamils Festival) in Singapore, and for some time they accused Tamil Murasu of even using their 1951 Pongal Festival photos as that of Thamizhar Thirunaal. Until today, STA holds that usurpation event as part of its historical memory for not joining TRC as an affiliate member organisation. Such was the deep distrust and hatred for KO SA that they were supportive of any group or person that promoted Pongal Vizha. The other organisation that rose and eclipsed the Tamils Reform Association was the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) in 1956 (3). Drawing its inspiration from C N Annadurai and his Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam in Tamil Nadu, most Tamil youths were attracted to it. The Singapore based movement was led by excellent orators who established vibrant branches in all parts of Singapore where Tamils lived in large groups. As the number of TRC affiliate members was directly correlated to the claim of total members and the adequate fees paid, DMK’s representation in TRC was in greater numbers up to ten members anytime and as equal to the number sent by TRA. At certain point in their participation, the DMK advanced the argument that Pongal Thirunaal should be the most suitable festival for all Tamils and began to organise it on the same day as Thamizhar Thirunaal. KO SA was unable to counter them or compromise with them. A compromise would have unified the community with KO SA making way for another leader to succeed him. As DMK had more youths and branches than TRA, everywhere KO SA and Thamizhar Thirunaal were challenged? As the political conditions in Malaya and Singapore changed, KO SA was also unable to pass on the leadership of TRC to a newer generation. After Singapore’s independence, and the simultaneous decline of the fortunes of Tamil Murasu and TRA, TRC declined rapidly. For some time KO SA also ceased his newspaper due to a strike as well as a court case against him in the struggle for leadership within TRA in 1969. As TRC was totally dependent on TRA for all its’ administration, the problems faced by KO SA within TRA and Tamil Murasu led to TRC becoming the worst affected organisation with no meetings, finance and leadership. The last secretary of TRC in that period, Mr Gangasalam disagreed with KO SA in deregistering TRC as they were the two key officials in TRC (my interview with Mr. Gangasalam in 1974). A jointly signed letter from them would have ended TRC.  In 1974, KO SA passed away, and TRC became a mere paper organisation.
G Kandasamy – the second President

Between 1975 and 1978, Mr Thangavelu, President of the Namakkal Sangam (and also of the Singapore Tamil Teachers’ Union), Mr S Varathan, President of the Singapore Artistes Association, Mr. Ma Se Veerappan, Secretary General of the Singapore Tamils Movement (the former DMK), Shanmugam Chettiar (Ko Sa’s confidant and follower) and   Bahrudin Sahib (the Muslim representative, a social revolutionary and an ardent follower of KO SA) met to resurrect TRC. Mr Thangavelu, Mr Varathan and Mr Ma Se Veerappan felt that TRC needed to be revived to face the new challenges for Tamil and Tamils in Singapore. Tamil language education, Tamil radio, television and drama all faced challenges that needed Government policy assistance. As the Singapore Government had no policy towards Tamil language in Singapore except for those inherited from the colonial period, the Tamil community was at a loss to articulate its expectations. At that time, Singapoor Thamizhar Iyakkam (Singapore Tamils movement – STM) was the leading organisation and they were helpful to all as they saw themselves as the community’s leaders. They were supportive of me when I went about setting up the University of Singapore Tamil Language Society (US TLS) in 1975. My efforts were directed then at creating an intellectual group among university graduates for raising the level of consciousness among the Singaporean Tamils.

It was during this time that G Kandasamy, General Secretary of the Amalgamated Union of Public Employees (AUPE) turned up at Singapoor Thamizhar Iyakkam seeking to become a Tamil community leader. Mr. Veerappan knew him well just like many others (3). He had been an elected member of the Singapore Parliament for the Peoples’ Action Party and Deputy Speaker of the Parliament in the 1960s before he fell out with Mr Lee Kuan Yew, the Prime Minister of Singapore. But in 1978, he wanted to have a foot in the Tamil community too. Mr. Veerappan informed him of the existence of TRC, and brought him over to a meeting with the affiliates that were trying to revive TRC. Mr. Kandasamy liked it and wanted to lead it with one condition that TRC’s constitution be amended to allow direct individual membership so that he could recruit highly qualified people without depending on the affiliate delegates. By that time the TRA had become an insignificant organisation except for the premises obtained by A C Suppiah from Ramasamy Nadar. The Singapore Tamils Movement too would not have liked it as TRA had become their protagonists during the latter years of KO SA. Most affiliates had become weak in that period as the new education policy and nation building ideals were antithetical to them. The government’s policy was against all ethnic based organisations as they were seen as impediments in the creation of the new nation of Singapore. Many of the TRC affiliated organisations dwindled in membership as the older members did not make way for younger members to take over as well as their constant reference to matters in Tamil Nadu than those related to the social issues faced by Tamil families in Singapore. When I interviewed many of the caste and village organisations in 1974-1975, they were becoming ineffective owing to the departure of older members to Tamil Nadu, and being resettled in HDB flats which took them away from the former residential areas. They had no membership and no activities to gather their followers. Massive resettlement of population into HDB flats was destroying the Tamil community’s social structure and none had any solution to escape from their eventual demise. The only organisations that were active were the Singapoor Thamizhar Iyakkam under Ma Se Veerappan, the Singapore Tamil Youths Club, the Association of Kalai Pithars and the Singapore Indian Artistes Association. Most of the village and caste organisations had declined in importance.

The remaining affiliates agreed to the constitutional change. G Kandasamy was able to convince his long term friends Dr. Rajan, Mr. A Balasubramanion, and many others known to him through the trade union movement to join TRC and form the executives as well as the largest number of members as compared to the traditional affiliated member organisations. They went about setting up some committees to examine education, media, fund-raising, cultural events etc. It was Mohamad Arif, the new General Secretary (with a Master’s degree from the University of Wisconsin-Madison) who provided the initial community wide push in 1979 with an education-media seminar. Thangavelu (Singapore Tamil Teachers Union) and Varathan (Singapore Indian Artistes Association) played key supporting roles. A high level Education Committee with Kandasamy, Bala Subramanion, Krishna (an engineer with PWD), Dr Rajan, and Dr Kumarapathy and some others met the Minister of Education Dr Tony Tan. The Education Ministry agreed to increase the number of Tamil Teachers including their training as well as increase the number of schools with Tamil language classes. This coincided with the 1980 Goh Keng Swee’s Report on Education which began the introduction of streaming at primary and secondary schools in Singapore as well as the increased importance given to second language for progressing in the education system as well entry to university education. For some time, TRC looked set to become the organisation for Tamils in Singapore.

The political slate, however, was to be changed with the launch of the Tamil Language & Cultural Society (TLCS) in 1979 by Devan Nair. He had already proposed such a society at the conference that I initiated with the University of Singapore Tamil Language Society (USTLS) in 1977. He too was putting a foot into the Tamil community (and politics) and was already being promoted to enter the parliament via a by-election for Anson Constituency. The incumbent Member of Parliament S Govindasamy having passed away, the by-election brought C V Devan Nair as the new Member of Parliament. Despite the fact that newer ethnic organisations could not be registered since 1965, TLCS received its recognition from the Registrar of Societies (ROS) quickly. The TLCS was seen as a major player ready to eclipse TRC in its activities. Until Devan Nair moved on to become the President of Singapore in 1981, TRC appeared to be in decline. In 1981, for instance, it took the whole day for TRC to conduct its AGM as many members did not turn up. There were ten of us who had to shift the morning meeting to an afternoon gathering as there was no quorum. By sheer accident, I agreed to serve in the Education Subcommittee as its Secretary in 1981. I had just returned to Singapore after my doctoral degree in that year and was politely denied entry to TLCS.

In utter disgust of the poor organisation within TRC, I undertook to organise the first well run tuition programme in 1982. My careful planning and sheer sacrifice made the tuition programme become an island wide programme over the next five years. I also set up the 2000 strong Youth Wing across Singapore as TRC had no manpower to do any distinctive project. I had to help in every project to give them an intelligent outlook that will be appreciated by newspapers and mass media. With my island wide projects TLCS and Hindu Centre withdrew their single centred tuition programmes.  Mr V T Arasu, who succeeded Devan Nair, was more down to earth and avoided any confrontation with TRC. I was able to involve the TRC affiliated organisations in the island wide activities by asking their leaders to grace the events as invited guests making a small donation or provide their venues for the activities.

For reasons still unclear, Kandasamy’s personality changed in early 1987. I had proposed two changes that would have allowed the continued survival and renewal of TRC: (1) to separate the Executive Committee and the Council, by which the Council would become a body of all the leaders of the affiliated organisations and the past presidents of TRC to discuss policies that need to be presented to government bodies as well as play a mediator role when TRC was in crisis; and (2) the Executive committee to be elected to execute all activities, with the President and  Secretary not serving continuously for more than two consecutive terms; and, (3) the sub-committees especially those that generate their own funding and direct their own activities to be semi-independent with constitutional guarantees of non-interference by the key office holders of TRC. I knew that the colonial system of organisational management will perennially create instability for TRC. The developing authoritarianism in Singapore could not be followed in voluntary organisations as members will not accept authoritarian imposition of decisions. I was concerned to preserve the freedom of the Youth Wing and the Education Assistance Committee which were expanding rapidly across Singapore. Kandasamy, probably did not like it as he preferred to be an authoritarian leader and was also reluctant to give up his position and groom others to become leaders. He could not see himself as the power behind able and younger leaders. There were affiliates who were encouraging me to take over TRC and bring about the change. On hindsight, I cannot ponder the consequences had I unseated Kandasamy. I only knew that community destruction as in the past would follow, and for some time I will have to spend all my time trying to stabilise and gain ground. That would have wasted a valuable part of my life, and in turn I would have become more authoritarian than Kandasamy to cling on to fleeting power. As a constructive public intellectual, I did not want to waste my time fighting Kandasamy and his followers, and in the process lead the hundreds of youth leaders to waste their time. I left TRC in July 1987, and Kandasamy was happy to see me go as he became the sole leader to decide what TRC should be.

The remaining tenure of Kandasamy was marked by many attempts to unseat him. He was successful in keeping the Giro system by which people donated money monthly to TRC and the TRC Multipurpose Cooperative Society, while the island wide tuition program and the youth wing declined and disappeared.
P Kesavan – the third President

TRC witnessed the departures of many active people who were close to Kandasamy and who fell out with him. All this time, Kesavan had moved from being a protagonist of TRC to becoming accepted as a member. After leaving TLCS, Kesavan came across TRC when he was involved with Nrityalaya Aesthetics Society at Waterloo Street’s Stamford Arts Centre. TRC too had enjoyed a short tenure of some of the class rooms at the same place for some years from 1987. Nobody disagreed or questioned about his anti-TRC stand while he was active in TLCS. As Kandasamy became unable to lead and as the AGM had to be called in 1995, Kesavan was able to bring together a team to take over the administration of TRC. When I returned as the Deputy President, I saw a weak organisation that had lost a lot of advantages it had in the mid-1980s. Much work needed to be done to turn around TRC. I was surprised that except for some, the rest of the people he brought were not individuals who would be able to get TRC to lead the community. I was much concerned as to whether they can even work together  to fulfil Kesavan’s promise to me that he was only going to be a bridge before passing the baton to me. He did not get a team together to agree on what we were going to do together. We did not sit and plan aims and direction of the new TRC after Kandasamy.  Destiny, probably, had other plans for him, for TRC and for all who took over the administration after Kandasamy.

The new administration was met with a new challenge from Dr Theyvendran, who raised the same question as I had raised in 1987. He wanted the TRC Multi-Purpose Cooperative Society to have more independence from TRC. The other aim was to change its’ name to Indian Multi-Purpose Cooperative Society. He was, probably, unaware of the processes within the Tamil community about its struggles for identity creation within Singapore. The Cooperative was open enough to allow non-Tamils and other Indians to become members, but changing the name was a taboo topic. Kesavan agreed that it is better for the Co-Op to be managed under Denan’s leadership as he was the most qualified amongst all. It was changing the name that irked everyone. So the new executives of TRC had to spend all their energies on campaigning for more TRC members to turn up at the Co-Op AGM to prevent the name change.

The AGM became a watershed for more events to follow that brought catastrophic depletion in the form of litigation costs to the hard saved monies of TRC and TRC Co-Op. Everyone concerned in the issues that followed ended up losing slightly more than $1.3 million dollars of the two organisations monies as well their own monies and valuable time. All were losers in the intra-organisational wars of TRC and TRC Co-Op. Kesavan did not plan a strategy where all members to be elected will also be steered by TRC. He allowed the former Co-Op executives to be elected, assuming that they know how to run the Co-Op best.  The TRC sponsored six executives including myself and the former five elected executives became the Board of Directors. At the first meeting held immediately after the AGM to determine the three key executives, arguments broke out between the former members and the newer members of the Board of Directors. It was the most acrimonious meeting I had ever witnessed at a societal meeting. The underlying reason of being there to serve the poorer Tamils was forgotten. I really regretted for being caught up in such a meeting. A lot of table banging and harsh words were exchanged. The Chairman and Treasurer were agreed but none wanted to be the Secretary. In trying to calm the situation, I agreed to serve until another member could be found to be the Secretary. Even there, the TRC did not want to take over the positions of Chairman, Secretary and Treasurer to take over the administration. Both TRC and I made mistakes there: while TRC did not plan the complete takeover of the Co-Op, I mistakenly took up the position of Secretary in the hope that peace could be negotiated as all men would be rational.

The next few months of acrimonious relationship often led to the boycotting of meetings by TRC sponsored board members. In one of the meetings that we had a quorum, a letter by Kandasamy’s lawyers was tabled. The letter requested the return of some $15,000 invested by Kandasamy. Everyone agreed to return all his monies. A month later, the elected board members including Denan resigned leaving only two of the elected officials and the TRC appointed board members. At that meeting all the TRC sponsored board members did not come leaving only the Chairman, the Treasurer and myself and one more member as the attendees. A motion was submitted that the elected members, Denan and another 15 members were resigning and wanted their monies returned. I checked the constitution and pointed out that there must be a quorum to approve the resignations and the return of monies to members. As the Chairman and Treasurer were ready to sign the cheques to about 18 members, I was reluctant and told them that I must talk to Denan before agreeing. Denan was called, and I told him that I will only agree if he gives his word that in case of any litigation, he will take full responsibility. He agreed. Except for the lack of quorum, I felt that it was fair to return the full monies given by the resigning members just as the full sum was returned to Kandasamy. The next day I reported this to Kesavan, and told him that as the TRC Co-Op was free of all the warring members we can rebuild our own house again. But he was advised by others not to accept the recommendation. The anger against my advice arose from their two bitter experiences: (1) TCC Co-Op which had given short-term loan to TRC Co-Op recalled its full loan making TRC officials return the loan at great rush; and (2) they cleared with the Registrar of Cooperatives that the resigning Board members had not followed the constitution. I could understand their anger but advised caution in not getting into a legal fight that will undermine the immediate task of reforming TRC and taking over the administration of TRC Co-Op and rebuilding it as an economic arm of TRC. The Chairman (resigned), the Treasurer (resigned) and myself were named as defendants in a legal suit for returning members monies and therefore had to reimburse the money as well as the loss of interest as the shares were worth less that what the member’s had paid for. Denan, as promised, joined himself as a defendant, and paid for all the legal costs. It was a funny situation for me that while being Deputy President of TRC, I was being sued in the TRC Co-Op conflict. Nobody wanted to discuss as to what could be done to focus on the issues facing all.

As the litigation continued, Nirumalan Pillai (Niru) of the 1995 Tamil Language Week group came into the developing confusion. He wanted to settle the issue of leadership transition at the TRC by calling an Emergency General Meeting in 1997 with a motion of no confidence on Kesavan’s leadership. A compromise was worked out with Kesavan’s group and the affiliates that supported Nirumalan Pillai that Kesavan will make way for a new group to take over in a smooth manner at the 1999 TRC AGM. In the meanwhile the Co-Op litigation was dragging, and Denan made the decision that this confusion can only end with him taking over TRC. Thus for a man who wanted to withdraw totally from TRC, Denan was to make a return to take over the organisation. At a meeting that we had, the three of us agreed that Denan would be the President with Nirumalan Pillai as the Secretary General of TRC, while I reluctantly agreed to be the Deputy President again. Denan’s unwavering commitment convinced me to work with him to bring the peace within TRC.

In September 1999, the TRC AGM did not turn out to be the smooth AGM that was promised.  Kesavan relegated his agreement and decided to stand for re-election. Phantom members were created after the AGM was called. This ploy was thwarted by an order of court obtained on 11 September 1999 by Nirumalan Pillai, Theyvendran, Moganaruban and two others. At the 1999 AGM, the Kesavan team walked out and there was an impasse [4]. I refused to chair the AGM in the capacity of Deputy President as the TRC Constitution was unclear of the process in such situations.

Niru then proposed that an interim committee be set up to look after the interests of the TRC. The committee would comprise leaders from the various Indian organizations. This proposal was accepted and Theyvendran and Moganaruban became members of this interim committee [4].
Dr R Theyvendran – the fourth President

After the intervention of the TRC Advisor and further talks, the AGM was called on 23 July 2000. Dr Theyvendran assumed the office of President. By then I had left for Japan in March 2000 and was not involved in the continuing wars except for my close association with Denan whenever I returned to Singapore. Nirumalan Pillai was not in the new leadership structure as he was not at the AGM. He was not inducted later into management of TRC. The TRC Co-Op and Niru became issues championed by some members at the management council’s meetings [4]. Eventually a court case was pursued, which again drained the coffers of TRC. All involved in the litigation lost monies with the case ending on 30 December 2002. Earlier, Denan had brought an end to the litigation of the TRC CO-OP. There were neither victors nor losers. The loser was the TRC and the TRC Co-Op.

Peace returned to TRC and the TRC Co-Op. But a constitutional amendment at the Co-Op was to lead TRC into another struggle. Denan in good faith pursued his original goal of making the Co-Op become independent of TRC’s overt control. He amended the constitution to allow for more elected members on the Board of Directors in the Co-Op while reducing the number of TRC appointed members. This eventually brought about TRC Co-Op declaring itself as a distinct organisation with the courts agreeing to it. Legally the Co-Op became a distinct organisation beyond the dictates of TRC management. Again funds and time was spent on litigation by all involved individuals and organisations.

Denan has been able to bring peace within TRC and has increased the savings by following the Giro based contributions from members and well-wishers. He has been able to bring the best people from MDIS, Stamford Press and the TCC Co-Operative to help organise major projects for the community.
The future and the questions

TRC in its chequered history has been beset more by internal dissensions than cohesive community action. It has lost many sincere leaders, volunteers and the TRC Multipurpose Co-Operative Society. Peace now prevails and Denan is preparing to hand over his leadership to a new group of leaders. The challenges for the new leader(s), however, is daunting. TRC has to be made the representative organisation for all Tamils and all Tamil social organisation. A minority of social organisations will stay out but with amicable cooperation they can still be brought together for community oriented action. TRC will have to reach out to a minimum of 10,000 Tamils in order to increase its monthly GIRO collections as well as give assurance to them that their money will be managed and spent well. Political support and constitutional change may be needed to deny all future litigations so that TRC’s monies would be protected. TRC’s administration needs to throw away its colonial forms and restructure its management into a council and an executive committee, with as many subcommittees as needed. Projects need to be organised that complement government policies and initiatives as well as provide feedback to government leaders of policies or absence of policies that affect Tamil language and Tamils. TRC has to attract intellectuals and academics to contribute to new ways of organising the community in a changing Singapore that is now a global city. There are many more challenges like comforting all those who have left TRC in the past owing to many types of authoritarianism.

The final questions – would Denan be successful in handing over power? Would he able to find such a leader (or leaders) who would be willing to spend the following four years to rebuild TRC? Are there people in this global city who are interested in reviving TRC and its affiliates to play a larger role? In the meanwhile, how would Singapore change? Can TRC cope with the changes in Singapore? Only time and the rational actions of those in TRC will provide the answers.

Written by
Professor A Veeramani ( A Mani )
Singapore / Japan

References

1. See my paper on ‘Tamils & Tamil Language in Singapore, the last 50 years and the Next 50 years’, delivered at the Thamizhavel Memorial Lecture on 15 April 2015. Organised by the Singapore Tamil Teachers’ Union at the Umar Pulavar Tamil Centre, Singapore.

2. See P. Sivasamy, ‘A History of Tamil Schools in Singapore: From its roots to branches’ (in Tamil). Singapore: Thiruvalluvar Publications. 2015. [The book is to be launched on 26 September 2015].

3. See A. Mani (this author), 2014 ‘A Tale of Two Streets: Urban Renewal, Transnationalization and Reconstructed memories’ in Mani, A. 2014. [Editor] Enchanting Asian Social Landscapes, Swarnadvipa Publishers: Singapore. Pages: 1-35.

4. All the information here is drawn from the judgement by Tay Yong Kwang JC, Suit 1519/2001, 800/2002, 801/2002, 30 December 2002. Singapore High Court.  Mathi Alegan s/o Gothendaraman v The Tamils Representative Council Singapore and Others [2002] SGHC 310.

Fifty Years of Singapore Tamil Literature

TamilAt the time of Singapore’s separation from Malaysia in 1965, owing to the colonial past, a cultural gulf existed between English-educated Tamils and predominantly Tamil-using Tamils. Tamil literature was left to the latter to be fostered as part of their Tamil language efforts. Becoming and being a literati has been the ideal among them. This ideal was rooted in the late colonial period and fully developed in the post-colonial years in Tamil Nadu, Malaya and Singapore. Most writers were low income earners associated with working class Tamils. Most of them were unschooled and worked as daily rated labourers, hair-dressers, road laying coolies, port workers, Tamil school teachers and some were even unemployed. Their asset was their high aspiration to be reckoned as a writer. This passion drove them to self-educate themselves in the art of writing grammatically structured poetry, short-stories, and novels and become eloquent public speakers. Amongst the Tamil writers of that era, those who worked at the radio stations and newspapers or at the Indian Movie News Magazine were considered as being privileged as they were paid to write what they wrote. Often, they remained as a class apart from the rest of the writers.

Post-colonial Singapore, being a new nation in the making, created many new institutions as part of its’ state-building project. Arising from the state led projects, the Chinese community was restructured with censorship, multi-racialism and many other projects. Tamil language, other than for its recognised status as an official language, was benignly neglected in the making of Singapore. Organizations within the Tamil community too did not adapt rapidly to face the new challenges including the field of Tamil literary writings. While the government took the lead in defining Chinese culture and Mandarin as the language of Chinese Singaporeans, Tamil literature as well as Tamil language was left to the community’s efforts to define themselves. Just as in the case of Chinese, hitherto dominant ethnic Tamil social mobilization became defunct, marginalised and unable to adapt to the changing political landscape. This would be reflected in much of the Tamil writings in the post-independent years where the Tamil writers went on to write mundane matters that were non-political, non-racial, and non-of-anything that the state did not desire. All writings for radio and newspapers were devoid of social issues per-se unless the editors viewed it as non-controversial.

Much of the recent critiques of the history of Singapore’s Tamil literature easily lend themselves to listing names of writers and their contributions (See for example Thinnappan et al., 2011). Their reflections and analyses hardly examine the institutional architectures that promoted Tamil literature in Singapore. In pre-independent, organisational structures such as the Tamil Murasu, Tamil Nesan (all daily Tamil newspapers), Indian Movie News (monthly publication), radio stations in Malaya and Singapore, and occasional publications by organisations promoted the publications (in the form publishing and broadcasting writer’s works) of poetry, short-stories and dramas. There were also two contending community festivals such as the Thamizhar Thirunaal and Pongal Thirunaal that promoted competitive writings of poetry, short-stories and dramas. Both were festivals organised by organisations and power groups within the Tamil community. At the time of Singapore’s independence, the Tamil Malar daily newspaper and the Singapore radio station were the sole publishers of Tamil writings as the Tamil Murasu under community leader G Sarangapany had closed down owing to worker’s strike and subsequently Thamizhar Thirunaal annual festival had declined as it was also under the same leader. Pongal Thirunaal also declined with the forced name change of its major proponent Singapoor Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam in 1967 (See Mani, 2014). Very few writers published their written works as individual volumes owing to their meagre incomes as well as the transitional challenges faced in Singapore becoming a country and aspiring to become a nation. It was also extremely difficult to have new organisations formed along linguistic and ethnic dimensions to promote the Tamil language and literature as government policy was for national integration and distancing people from their ethnic origins. As the former social organisations declined there were none to replace them. The community too lacked critical thinkers to provide an intellectual framework to respond to the changing socio-political landscape.

Beginning in the mid-1970s, some tangible directions were observable in the community. From 1975, the newly formed University of Singapore Tamil Language Society set about promoting projects that were to take the community out of its doldrums. The establishment of the society under the guidance of this author (also known as A. Veeramani), its first conference seminar on Tamil language and Tamil literature in Singapore in 1977 (See Veeramani, 1977), as well launching an annual academic bilingual research journal – Tamil Peravai – gave new impetus to gather and examine the direction that Tamil language and literature were taking in Singapore. The biannual 1977, 1979 and 1981 conferences attracted Tamil writers to examine their writing and publication of their works in order to merit attention of readers and critics. Mere writing or broadcasting was replaced with the need for published evidence to be considered for critical appreciation by others. The conference-seminar series were to make a deep impact in crystallizing concrete ideas by community leaders to get involved in the community. The next few years witnessed the establishment of the Singapore Association of Tamil Writers in 1977, the establishment of the Tamil Language and Cultural Society under the patronage of C V Devan Nair (1979), a prominent trade unionist and Member of Parliament for Anson constituency. Together with the revival of the Tamils Representative Council (TRC) under another prominent trade unionist, G Kandasamy, the 1980s appeared to promise hope for the writing and propagation of a Singaporean Tamil literature. Even though the term ‘Singapore Tamil Literature’ came into vogue, publications of Tamil writings were few and far apart. The number of writers almost remained the same and the rate of induction of younger and newer writers were few. One short-story writer who tried to buck the trend was Naa Govindasamy, who as a Tamil teacher attempted the setting up Ilakkia Kalam (Literary Forum) for adult and student writers and being an impromptu gathering it survived a few years. The TRC Youth Wing under this author’s guidance published a number of collections by Singapore educated Tamil youths but that too ended in 1987. Most writers did not have the economic sustainability to organise themselves into groups that could induct youths and non-writers to take up serious writing. Tamil literary publications continued with the tireless work like A. P. Shanmugam, who encouraged many writers to publish their writings into books under his Thai Noolagam (Thai Publications). In 1989, a gift of S$21,500 raised from fans, friends and readers to a Singapore Tamil poet for his heart operation attracted the attention of Tamil writers in Singapore (Straits Times, 15 February 1989, page 14).

The next break for massive institutional promotion of Tamil literature came in 1990 when Singapore celebrated its twenty-fifth anniversary of political independence. Under the auspices of a month long Indian Cultural Month sponsored by the government, this author again spearheaded a committee backed by the then dynamic youth movement, the Singapore Tamil Youths Club, to publish 25 books in Tamil and launch them at a single ceremony in April 1990. Twenty-five books were published and launched at a single event, with twenty-three of the books being devoted to Tamil literary writings by young and established writers, both women and males and consisting of poetry, novels, short-stories and dramas. The 1990s witnessed the revival of the Singapore Tamil Writers Association under the leadership of Na. Aandiyappan who not only promoted events to honour Tamil writers and community stalwarts as well as organise promotional events for Tamil writers books and organise an International Conference of Tamil Writers in 2011.

Tamil literature underwent rapid change from the mid-1990s as the new diaspora of Tamil professionals and their spouses in Singapore began to establish their identity in Singapore by involving themselves in literary groups as well as in publishing Tamil literary collections owing to their closer links to publishers in Tamil Nadu. Government organisations like the National Library and the National Book Development Council began active involvement in the promotion of Tamil literary publications. The exhibitions by the National Library in promoting Tamil literature and the provision of grants for Tamil book publications gave new impetus among the continuing writers and the new diaspora to publish more books in Tamil. It became possible to view all the Tamil publications at one place owing to the efforts of the National Library. In the last ten years, the new diaspora Tamil writers are honoured both in Singapore as well as in Tamil Nadu and elsewhere. The international Tamil diaspora meetings concerning Tamil language also patronised these writers’ works.

The contemporary literary scene in Singapore has become highly vibrant with many groups contending for eminence by the publication of their members’ books and promotion of literary events. These include the Singapoor Thamizh Ilakia Kalam (Singapore Tamil Literary Forum), the monthly ‘story forum’( Kathai Kalam) by the Singapore Tamil Writers association, Thangameen Vasagar Vattam (Thangameen Readers Circle), the Singapore Readers Circle (Singapoor Vasagar Vattam), Mathavi Ilakkia Mandram (Mathavi Literary Society) and Kavi Maalai (Poetic Forum). . There are leading writers, businessmen and professionals behind these movements besides the many events conducted by individual writers with the patronage of the National Library and the National Book Development Council. These groups coordinate the bestowment of awards by Literary Trusts established in Tamil Nadu by the new diaspora Tamils. Among the many literary awards is the Karikalan Award (named after an ancient Tamil king) given annually at the Thanjavur Tamil University by Musthafa Foundation. Mohamed Musthafa is a prominent Tamil businessman in Singapore’s Little India. Many long-term Tamil writers in Singapore have been honoured by the Cultural Medallion Award by the National Arts Council, the S.E.A Write Award (Southeast Asian Writers Awards) from Thailand and the Montblanc – NUS Centre for the Arts Literary Award, Thamizhavel Award from the Association of Singapore Tamil Writers; Singapore Literature Prize and the Kala Ratna from the Singapore Indian Fine Arts Society (see for example Arun Mahizhnan, 2014).

The total production of Tamil literature related writings in Singapore since 1965 has been estimated as 143 Tamil poetry books; 266 books related to literature for the young; 105 short-story books / collections; 48 long and short novels; and, 176 books based on conference proceedings, essays, critiques, biographies and other Tamil writings (Seethalakshmi, 2014). More publications have been added since then. Despite the fewer number of Tamil writers and readers, Tamil literature in Singapore has not only survived but has become vibrant in the fifty years of Singapore’s independence. There is indeed an intense passion among a number of Tamils to becoming and being a Tamil literati in Singapore.

The impressive production of Tamil literary writings is to be capped in 2015 by the digitalisation effort of all Tamil literary writings in the years since 1965 and presented to the Government of Singapore. The digitalisation project and the multi-talented committee is being led by Arun Mahizhnan (Thamizhmani, August 2014: 12 -13; Straits Times, 12 October 2013). Local Tamil heritage groups are partnering with the National Library Board (NLB) in an ambitious plan to digitally record 50 years of Singaporean Tamil creative writing. The two-year project, begun in 2013, aims to preserve Tamil literary works for future generations.

Written by
Professor A Veeramani ( A Mani )
Singapore / Japan

Select References
Arun Mahizhnan, 2014. ‘KTM Iqbal: The Man and His Word’, Cultural Medallion 2014, pp. 18 – 21.
https://nac.gov.sg/docs/awards-recognition-files/ktm-iqbal.pdf.
Accessed on 6 February 2015.

Mani, A., 2014. ‘A Tale of Two Streets: Urban Renewal, Transnationalization and Reconstructed Memories’ in A. Mani (Editor) Enchanting Asian Social landscapes. Singapore: Swarnadvipa Publishing House. 2014: pages 1 – 36.

Seethalakshmi, 2014. ‘Singapoor Thamizh Ilakkiyam – Oor Arimugam’ (Singapore Tamil Literature – An Introduction). Paper presented at the Conference on Thayagam Kadantha Thamizh (Tamil beyond its homeland),
Coimbatore, Tamil Nadu January 20- 22.

Thamizhmani, Quarterly magazine of the Tamil Language and Cultural Society, Singapore. August 2014.
Thinappan, SP., Na Aandiyappan, and Suba Arunasalam (editors), 2011. Singapoor Thamizh Ilakia Varalaru – Oor Arimugam (History of Singapore Tamil Literature – An Introduction). Singapore: Singapore Tamil Writers Association.
Veeramani, A., 1977. Singapooril Thamizhum Thamizhilakkiyamum (Tamil Language and Tamil Literature in Singapore). Singapore: University of Singapore Tamil Language Society.
http://www.straitstimes.com/breaking-news/singapore/story/iswaran-calls-more-volunteers-support-plan-digitise-tamil-literature-2#sthash.rxZVn4Gk.dpuf. Accessed on 3 February 2015.
Straits Times Newspaper Article – Poet receives funds for heart surgery.html.
http://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/newspapers/Digitised/Article/newpaper19890213-1.2.6.7.aspx
Accessed on 6 February 2015.

Empowering generational change

In 2008, I was asked to contribute a paper on Singapore Indians for the volume on Impressions of the Goh Chok Tong Years in Singapore.(1) It was to commemorate his contributions to Singapore as the second Prime minister after our late Minister Mentor Lee Kuan Yew. The editors of the volume Bridget Welsh, James Chin, Arun Mahizhnan and Tan Tarn How ensured that the chapter was worthy of being an excellent paper on the impact Goh Chok Tong had made on the Indians in Singapore. In the paper, I had reflected on the ‘moving target’ of educational performance of Indians as reflected in the official statistics. I noted that Indians were second below the national average performance while Chinese Singaporeans were above the national performance line and this pattern has not changed during the Goh Chok Tong years. As the Singapore Indian Development Association (SINDA) had been in existence in all those years, nothing much had changed to make Indian Singaporean children to achieve above the national performance line. I left it as an open question in the paper for political and community leaders to debate and resolve. As I was not informed of the inner workings of SINDA and as many of the executives had been known to me at other social avenues in the community, I found no reason to underestimate their resolve in finding a better outcome.

As known to many, I organised an Educational Assistance Programme (EAP) under the auspices of the Tamils Representative Council from 1982 to 1986, which began with a single project in 1982 and expanded to 14 Centres across Singapore with 25 projects at its peak. At the programme’s peak in 1986, about 630 volunteers helped to reach almost 25,000 Tamil children over the five years. It was a Sunday program with the lowest fees charged and anyone who expressed hardship in paying the five dollars was granted non-payment status on the spot. I could always get good hearted souls to supplement the small contributions that the children’s families made. The volunteers on the other hand were paid the similar allowance per hour like workers at the MacDonald food chain at that time. I felt the youths’ parents should not be burdened for pocket money of these volunteers. Moreover, I believed one form empowerment is to teach youths’ money management by working on the projects with me. It was an adequate allowance for work on a Sunday morning, and it was given to the volunteers at a special appreciation ceremony honouring their work as contribution to volunteerism than as payment. Many of the volunteer teachers would later use their certificate and my recommendation letter either to get admitted to teacher training or other jobs.

As a concerned sociologist and a public intellectual, I knew that children needed only to know how to jump over the examination hurdles at Primary Three Streaming examination, Primary School Leaving Examination (PSLE), and GCE O and A Level examinations. In the field of Sociology of Education, there is a large literature on peer to peer teaching, and my own experience in my earlier community work had taught me that full time or highly qualified teachers would be unsuitable to this new approach that I took. In Sociology of Education, we are aware of the teachers as a reason why children fail and how educational institutions are engaged in the greatest training robbery of the young. These observations are part of the radical critique of education which advanced that all formal education at primary and secondary level is out to convince the young as to why they will be stratified later in life as low to high performers and subsequently will receive low to high treatments and pay in society. As usual, the executives in the Tamils Representative Council (TRC) never understood any of these arguments and were content to critique me that I should recruit fully trained teachers. When I challenged some of them to bring me such personnel, they could hardly gather any as even their teacher friends politely noted that they would like to spend their Sundays at home. My critics in TRC could never know the difference between ‘empowerment across generations’ and ‘paternal preaching’ by teachers. The program I instituted assumed that the school and its teachers are already doing a decent job and even if they do not agree to the national streaming implemented in 1980, are fulfilling the national need to classify and segregate pupils into categories of learners for the future of Singapore.

In recent years, I have come across many of these volunteer youths who have now become mothers and fathers with teenage children. It was heartening to know that their children have been successful in the Singapore education system owing to the exposure the volunteers received in my empowering project. Most of their children have attained university education thanks to the confidence of their parents to steer them through the Singapore’s education system of many examination and other hurdles. They represent the empowered youths across generations that I began with. As many of the volunteers were also members of a youth movement I created, they have learnt to be confident in their bearing, dress code, oratory and organisational abilities. The Educational Assistance Plan (EAP) and the Youth Wing gave them confidence to strive in Singapore and create successful families, whose children have reached the heights unable to be reached by their parents – my volunteers and youth leaders. Now it has become common of me to ask them as to what they have become and what their children have become. I am confident their grandchildren will rise higher in their socio-economic status.

Educational success against the organised national effort of creating diverse outcomes cannot be resolved by teaching a student to pass one examination hurdle. The education system also wants to know how high a student jumps at an examination hurdle. It is no more just passing as in my school days at Bartley School. As children from different homes belong to families differently placed in the economic system, they will not have equal opportunity in overcoming the next stage of education. So, it becomes difficult for all children to achieve equally in the long run. Better placed families will be able to provide additional support to their children than those children from economically disadvantaged homes. Thus, most children from lower socio-economic homes may need to reach a certain level of economic attainment and plan for their children to achieve a higher status. Being aware of this inter-generational mobility, I decided to empower the present generation of non-teacher volunteer youths to understand what has happened to them and what they must do in their life-time in order for their offspring to move higher in the education and economic system. As mothers are important in the socialization of their children, I ensured that girls were given priority in being recruited as volunteer teachers. The qualification required of them is to have passed the level that they are required to teach. So, a secondary school student can easily teach a PSLE student as to how to pass. The syllabus was simple and put together to enable any child to pass, while those who were average passed better, and those who were knowledgeable could use the same training to score and achieve highest grades. The training was provided by me using the examination papers of the best schools (most papers were obtained through my network with friends across Singapore). The names of the schools were removed to save my network from being wrecked. But the children were informed of the schools from which the papers originated. The children were drilled until they were able to answer the questions themselves with perfection. The process taught the volunteers about giving private tuition using the same papers. The volunteers were also encouraged to interact with the children. As volunteers and the children lived in the same block or area, the prestige of the volunteer rose in the vicinity of their neighbourhood. Many of the volunteers were roped in as speakers at youth conferences and seminars so that they could recount their experience and became aware of the education system better to face the future.

That was a sociological experiment I did to empower Tamil youths across generations. Had I used, say hypothetically, market rate paid full-time teachers, they would have only provided paternally directed teaching with no empowerment. They too would have produced similar results where the children’s educational performance would have remained below the national performance. So, empowerment of youth volunteer females would produce the best result within two generations. I see the result in my social experiment for empowerment. If that had continued or had been replicated there will be less Tamil families in the lower income group. Alcoholism and absorption into entertainment lulled life would have been less. There would be less partying and less material consumption. The community may not need any self-help as everyone would have been empowered to take care of themselves. Unfortunately, the squabbles within TRC in 1987 and beyond ended both the EAP and the Youth Wing within the TRC. The government linked organs that set up similar programmes later did not reflect sufficiently to understand the Tamil cultural ethos and empower local youth volunteers to teach their peers and learn about reshaping their lives. Qualified teachers and migrant professionals performed a paternal role that never helped in empowering generations. Passing the examination was considered success when success can be only achieved across generations by teaching about the system and equipping them with the awareness to persist in order to succeed.

Empowerment amongst the Tamil community is not new. I have observed young men who used to attend the Dravidian based movements in Singapore and being exposed to Tamil films of M G Ramachandran encourage their children to study better. The first sign of these was the establishment of Tamil schools at all the PWD (Public Works Department) and PUB (Public Utilities Board) quarters in Singapore. They were labourers. Later when Singapore began building more English medium schools to admit all children, they were quick to switch their children to English medium schools. It was in the English schools that these parents ran into the dark room. The English medium school was a foreign institution that promised economic benefit but the parents were unaware of what it did to their children. There were none to guide them as to how they can make their children succeed. I found a solution in empowering youths who would become future parents. The children too learnt that their school had wasted their time with all sorts of demands when their future was decided by an examination that could be easily passed if not excelled.

In a globalised Singapore when half the citizens are foreign born(2), youths from economically disadvantaged families need to be empowered. They need to know how the economy, education and society work. They need to know of the wider opportunities for progress open to them outside Singapore so that they can lead a happier, healthier and economically successful life. How do we empower them than paternally advising them?

Written by
Professor A Veeramani ( A Mani )
Singapore / Japan

Notes:
1. See my paper on “The Man who nurtured Indians and started the India fever” in Impressions of the Goh Chok Tong Years in Singapore edited by Bridget Welsh, James Chin, Arun Mahizhnan and Tan Tarn How. NUS Press Singapore: Singapore. 2009: 375-386.

2. “Over the past 20 years or so, somewhere in the range of 150,000 to 300,000 foreign citizens have been naturalised as Singaporeans. Given this island has a total full-time resident population of about 3.8 million, about 25 per cent of us are — or were until quite recently — foreigners. This is not to include the over 1.5 million non-permanent-resident foreigners who are also domiciled here — students, domestic workers, foreigners employed locally — who make up the rest of the island’s total 5.3 million population. What this all means is that at a very rough guess, natural-born Singaporeans comprise about 2.5 to 3 million of the population and foreign-born residents about the same — so it’s broadly 50/50 (again, this is my estimate).” See Surekha A. Yadav, Malay Mail on-line, 19 July 2015.

Basic Health Care for All

healthcareOn Friday 17 July 2015 I went for my annual medical checkup in Beppu, Japan. This was the 16th year I had gone for the annual medical checkup since I self-exiled myself from Singapore to teach at the Ritsumeikan Asia Pacific University. In Japan, going for an annual medical checkup is a routine habit for all citizens and residents living in Japan for more than six months. The national health insurance that covers all residents pays for the checkup and no one needs to pay any cash unless the person requests for specific examination in addition to the basic medical checkup.

As all have to turn up for the medical checkup on empty stomach with no breakfast, the centre that I have been going to is open for five days of the week throughout the year and requires an advance booking so as to avoid overcrowding on any single day. The annual medical checkup occurs on the same month every year. A thousand people can be cleared between 8 a.m. and 12 noon. The checkup involves blood test (which is used to analyse 52 conditions in the body), a chest X-Ray, a questionnaire based interview with a health personnel, cardio graphic analysis, eye test, hearing test, body mass test, breathing test, blood pressure test and finally an analysis of the stomach. Of course every attendee also gives samples of the past two days stools and urine for analysis. Within a working day, the confidential health report is posted to all giving a report of the health status, and recommendations to go for further examination if any inconsistency had been noticed. Often, if a serious life threatening condition is noticed, health officials will call the individual by phone to come to the hospital at once. In 2011, after a visit to village in Tamil Nadu, I was called to return to the hospital at once. As I felt good, I ignored the message. The health officials were so worried for me that they called the University administration to inform them to urge me to go to the hospital. My health condition was not revealed except to note that it may be life threatening. The hospital assumed that I did not comprehend their messages in Japanese and asked the university staff to inform me in English too. As Vice President of the University at that time, the staff was all loving in wanting me to go to the hospital at once. The annual medical checkup had shown some fungus growth on my stomach wall, which the hospital feared as dangerous. Of course one cannot live if one’s stomach walls are impaired. They were much relieved to find that the condition was not malignant and some tablets over the next six months killed all the fungus. My trip to a Tamil Nadu village had caused all the excitement.

In Japan, no one shirks their duty of going for the annual medical checkup. Children see their grandparents and parents going to their medical checkup without fail. The adults are also totally committed to attend all the follow up treatments, which again is partly covered by the national health insurance. School children go for their annual medical checkup from their schools. Even foreign citizens staying in Japan for more than six months go either as dependents of their working children or spouses. No charge is levied for the basic medical checkup.

The medical checkup explains the reason why the large majority of the people in Japan are healthy even in their advanced age. In my town, hospital beds are empty of patients with only those going for short term observation or treatment using the beds for temporary stay.

All the years I grew up and lived in Singapore, I was never called to a basic medical checkup. Only when I took up an employment or was considered for promotion that I was asked to go for a medical checkup. The clinic was visited only when there was some pain that I could not deal by swallowing a pain killer. Chest X-ray or blood test was always expensive if I wanted to avoid waiting at a government clinic or hospital. There was no comprehensive medical checkup that was done within three hours and the report sent within a working day. By coming to japan my health was saved by the annual medical checkup. Last year, when my dearest friend M. P. Samy was lying at Singapore’s General Hospital, we discussed about how the exorbitant cost had always prevented him from going for a comprehensive medical checkup. That finally led him to lose a leg as doctors recommended amputation. As everything in Singapore is only given when asked for, his health was not taken care of all his life and he died a few months after his leg’s amputation. Had there been a regular medical checkup, my friend would be as healthy as myself and would be still contributing to the issues that were dear to him.

As a concerned Singaporean, I have often wondered why Singapore’s Ministry of Health has not been concerned with introducing an annual medical checkup plan for all citizens and residents including foreign workers in Singapore. Illness, after all, has no nationality barriers. Just by using one percent interest accrued from Medisave or some other social welfare account, the government can assure a longer and healthier life for people in Singapore. I wait the day when Singapore’s Ministry of Health will love the continued health of all in Singapore.

In the meanwhile, I invite all Singaporeans and others to visit Japan and see how the institutions doing the annual medical checkup do it so efficiently with a smile. Many other Asian countries too can learn from Japan’s health care system of taking longer term interest in basic health care than building hospitals and training a large body of doctors and healthcare personnel. We just have to fall in love with our body’s long term health checkup.

Written by
Professor A Veeramani ( A Mani )
Singapore / Japan